Is Hindu nationalism the raison d'être of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), or just another vote-catching device? In a private conversation with American diplomats in May 2005, senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley articulated the view that Hindu nationalism was an opportunistic issue for the party.Hindu Reports. What we have been writing and speaking for decades. Dr Ambedkar in his writings EXPOSED the Greatest Enemy of Indian MULNIVASI Bahujan Eighty Five Percent Indigenous Aboriginal Population of Excluded SC, ST, BC, OBC, NT, DNT, Converted Minorities,Zionist Brhamins Grand Demographic Adjustment of Partition and HOLOCAUST Victim Rfeugees and Slumdwellers. Dr Ambedkar emphasied on ECONOMICS and Established the Supremacy of Labour while Gandhi, Gandhians, Socialists, Marxists and other Brahaminical Ideologues creating Hype of Hindutva and Hindu Nationalism, always tried their best to sustain Manusmriti RULE. BJP and RSS being the leaders amongst Flagbearers of Hindu Nationalism and Global Hindutva are as much as alligned with US ZIONIST Imperialism as the CONG led UPA hapens to be. PENSION BILL introduced in the Parliament and BJP bailing out Minority LPG Mafia Government of Micro Minority Market Dominating Brahaminical hegemony, established the fact once agian. Fresh leaks by WIKILEAKS confirm our Valuation about the Greatest FRAUD to keep us ENSLAVE, HINDU NATIONALISM Bastardised!

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - SIX HUNDRED FIVE

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/

http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/

Wikileaks rebounds on Arun Jaitley

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mWltJy-2528&feature=player_embedded

Why Dr. Ambedkar renounced Hinduism?
Dr. Ambedkar's role as a prominent constitution maker of India is quite well known. However, his views on religion, particularly his reasons for renouncing Hinduism, the religion of his birth, are not as widely known. Ambedkar who was born in an "untouchable" family carried on a relentless battle against untouchability throughout his adult life. In the last part of his life, he renounced Hinduism and became a Buddhist. What were his reasons for doing so?

A detailed answer to this question can be obtained by studying his The Buddha and His Dhamma, Annihilation of Caste, Philosophy of Hinduism, Riddles in Hinduism etc. Nonetheless, some of his articles, speeches and interviews before and after his conversion to Buddhism throw some light on this question.

Ambedkar's statement in 1935 at Yeola Conference is quite instructive in this regard. Ambedkar believed that the untouchables occupied a "weak and lowly status" only because they were a part of the Hindu society. When attempts to gain equal status and "ordinary rights as human beings" within the Hindu society started failing, Ambedkar thought it was essential to embrace a religion which will give "equal status, equal rights and fair treatment" to untouchables. He clearly said to his supporters "select only that religion in which you will get equal status, equal opportunity and equal treatment…"

Evidently, after a comparative study of different religions, Ambedkar concluded that Buddhism was the best religion from this point of view.
In his article "Buddha and the Future of his Religion" published in 1950 in the Mahabodhi Society Journal, Ambedkar has summarized his views on religion and on Buddhism in the following manner:

1. The society must have either the sanction of law or the sanction of morality to hold it
together. Without either, the society is sure to go to pieces. 2. Religion, if it is to survive, it must be in consonance with reason, which is another name for science.

3. It is not enough for religion to consist of moral code, but its moral code must recognize the fundamental tenets of liberty, equality and fraternity.
4. Religion must not sanctify or make a virtue out of poverty.

According to Ambedkar, Buddhism fulfilled these requirements and so among the existing religions it was the only suitable religion for the world. He felt that the propagation of Buddhism needed a Bible. Apparently, Ambedkar wrote The Buddha and his Dhamma to fulfill this need.

In the same article, Ambedkar has enumerated the evils of Hinduism in the following manner:
1. It has deprived moral life of freedom.
2. It has only emphasized conformity to commands.

3. The laws are unjust because they are not the same for one class as of another. Besides, the code is treated as final.
According to Ambedkar, "what is called religion by Hindus is nothing but a multitude of commands and prohibitions."

In the same year, Ambedkar delivered a speech on Buddha Jayanti day in Delhi, in which he attacked Hindu gods and goddess and praised Buddhism because it was a religion based on moral principles. Besides, he pointed out, unlike the founders of other religions who considered themselves emissaries of god; the Buddha regarded himself only as a guide and gave a revolutionary meaning to the concept of religion. He said that Hinduism stood for inequality, whereas Buddhism stood for equality.

In May 1956, a talk by Ambedkar titled "Why I like Buddhism and how it is useful to the world in its present circumstances" was broadcast from the British Broadcasting Corporation, London. In his talk Ambedkar said:

I prefer Buddhism because it gives three principles in combination, which no other religion does. Buddhism teaches prajna (understanding as against superstition and supernaturalism), karuna (love), and samata (equality). This is what man wants for a good and happy life. Neither god nor soul can save society.

In his last speech delivered in Bombay in May 24 1956, in which he declared his resolve to embrace Buddhism, Ambedkar observed:
Hinduism believes in God. Buddhism has no God. Hinduism believes in soul. According to Buddhism, there is no soul. Hinduism believes in Chaturvarnya and the caste system. Buddhism has no place for the caste system and Chaturvarnya.

It is obvious that Ambedkar regarded Buddhism as a much more rational religion compared to Hinduism, rather the most rational religion. His main objection to Hinduism was that it sanctified inequality and untouchability through its doctrine of Chaturvarnya. Buddhism, on the other hand, rejected Chaturvarnya and supported equality. He commends Buddhism for rejecting god and soul and for emphasizing morality. According to him, prajna (understanding as against superstition and supernaturalism), karuna (love), and samata (equality), which Buddhism alone teaches, is all that human beings need for a "good and happy life".

Ambedkar's final religious act was to embrace Buddhism. His work The Buddha and his Dhamma contains his own understanding and interpretation of Buddhism. We may say that Buddhism as expounded in this book is what Ambedkar embraced and recommended. In this book Ambedkar has tried to interpret Buddhism in a rationalistic manner. Ambedkar did not believe in the existence of god and soul. This is obvious from the reasons he has given for embracing Buddhism as well as from his interpretation of Buddhism in Buddha and His Dhamma. In Buddhism, as interpreted by Ambedkar, there is no place for god and soul. Further, according to Ambedkar, Buddha did not believe in rebirth, karma and moksha as traditionally conceived. Besides, Buddha rejected the varna vyavastha.

It is widely recognized by scholars of Buddhism that Buddha did not believe in god and soul and also that he rejected varna-vyavastha. However, according to the traditional interpretation of Buddhism, Buddha did believe in rebirth and the related doctrine of "bondage" and liberation (nirvana). Ambedkar's interpretation of Buddhism differs from the traditional interpretation on this point. But regrettably Ambedkar has not documented his book Buddha and his Dhamma. Therefore it is not possible to say how he arrived at his alternative interpretation of Buddhism. From a rationalist and humanist point of view, one may say that Buddhism is a better religion than Hinduism and that it is closer to rationalism-humanism compared to any other religion. Still, it cannot be denied that Buddhism is a religion and certain elements like faith, worship and other-worldliness or supernaturalism, which are common to all religions, are also found in Buddhism. Therefore the best thing is to give up all religions and adopt rational humanism as a philosophy of life.

Dr. Ramendra
Reader, Department of Philosophy
Patna College, Patna University
http://www.ambedkar.org/Babasaheb/Why.htm

32279: Jaitley reaffirms US-India commitment

As the competition for BJP leadership heats up, Jaitley will enjoy the advantages of a telegenic personality and strong ties to the New Delhi establishment.

32279 5/10/2005 10:14 05NEWDELHI3505 Embassy New Delhi CONFIDENTIAL "This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available." "C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NEW DELHI 003505

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/30/2015 TAGS: PGOV, PHUM, PINR, ECON, IN, Indian Domestic Politics, Indo-US

SUBJECT: BJP LEADER REAFFIRMS US-INDIA COMMITMENT

Classified By: Charge Robert O. Blake, Jr., for Reasons 1.4 (B, D)

1. (C) Summary: BJP spokesman and former Commerce Minister Arun Jaitley warned us recently that the Modi controversy continues to fester among the party rank and file, who see the Chief Minister's visa revocation as a personal attack on a leader of the party that began the transformation of US-India relations. One of several aspirants to direct the next generation of BJP leadership, Jaitley was otherwise upbeat on the US-India relationship, and quietly confident that the party would eventually find its feet. End Summary.

2. (C) In an May 6 meeting with the Charge and PolCouns, a relaxed and self-assured Arun Jaitley predicted that current BJP President LK Advani would lead for another two to three years, after which one of five next generation leaders (Jaitley among them) would take the reins. Dismissing the speculation about Advani's successor as being no more relevant than predictions about Gordon Brown's accession to power in the UK, Jaitley argued that the BJP remained a force to contend with in Indian politics, notwithstanding the party's current public squabbling. Pressed on the question of Hindutva, Jaitley argued that Hindu nationalism ""will always be a talking point"" for the BJP. However, he characterized this as an opportunistic issue. In India's northeast, for instance, Hindutva plays well because of public anxiety about illegal migration of Muslims from Bangladesh. With the recent improvement of Indo-Pak relations, he added, Hindu nationalism is now less resonant in New Delhi, but that could change with another cross-border terrorist attack, for instance on the Indian Parliament.

3. (C) Jaitley was upbeat on the US-India relationship, emphasizing that ties with the US are no longer a point of controversy in Indian politics. Citing his own situation as typical, Jaitley noted that he has several nieces and sisters living in the US, ""and five homes to visit between DC and New York."" Despite this upbeat context, Jaitley was distressed about the US visa denial to Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, complaining that he could not understand how the US could take such an action against the party that began the transformation of US-India relations. Charge explained the rationale and legal basis for the US decision. Jaitley agreed with the Charge's point that Modi was a polarizing personality, but argued that it would have been better for the US to let the Chief Minister visit the US, where he would have attracted a few demonstrators and then nothing more would be said. Regardless of US explanations, Jaitley warned, the Modi decision has hurt the US reputation among BJP rank and file.

4. (C) Reflecting on several weeks spent in Bihar leading the BJP's state election campaign, Jaitley expressed concern about growing gaps in the quality of governance across India. Virtually all new investment, he argued, is concentrated in the four southern states, two western states (Gujarat and Maharashtra) and ""within 100 kilometers of Delhi."" He lamented the ""Robin Hood"" syndrome that prevails in Bihar, arguing that caste politics lend a ""social sanction"" criminalization of politics that drives away investment. Recalling helicopter flights over Bihar, Jaitley described an economic desert, with brick kilns constituting virtually the only form of industrial infrastructure. He also decried -- but sympathized with -- the mass exodus of Bihari professionals from that state to cities like Delhi and Mumbai, and to the ranks of the Indian Administrative Service.

5. (C) Putting on his hat as a former Commerce Minister, Jaitley confessed that the BJP's opposition to a Value Added Tax (VAT) at the state level was based on a narrow political calculus, and predicted that the BJP states would adopt the VAT soon in order to protect their revenue streams. He gave the Congress government generally positive marks for its handling of economic policy issues, but focused on the contradictions inherent in the UPA coalition. Jaitley was relatively relaxed in response to the Charge's pitch for opening of the Indian services sector. He agreed that legal services should be opened to foreign competition, noting that the performance of the Indian bar has begun to improve, even though the quality of judges suffers from a ""Gandhian"" mindset that leads to unreasonably low salaries. On retail, he argued that foreign competition should not seriously hurt the mom and pop stores that form a BJP constituency. However, he suggested that opening up to big retail chains like Wal-Mart should proceed slowly, since large Indian retailers are just now coming into their own.

6. (C) Comment: Although visibly pained by the Modi visa revocation, Jaitley was gracious and open throughout. He clearly values his personal and commercial connections to the US (several US corporates are legal clients). As the competition for BJP leadership heats up, Jaitley will enjoy the advantages of a telegenic personality and strong ties to the New Delhi establishment. However, as reflected in his remarks here about Hindutva, Jaitley's credentials with the Sangh Parivar are weak, and he may not have what it takes to mobilize the BJP base.

BLAKE

Hindu reports:

Hindu nationalism is opportunistic, said Jaitley

SURESH NAMBATH

NEWS

I cannot rely on anyone in UPA leadership for advice, Manmohan told Jaswant Singh

TOPICS

diplomacy India-United States

politics espionage and intelligence

national politics

nuclear policy

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PTILeaked U.S. Embassy cable reveals senior BJP leader Arun Jaitely's candid remarks on Hindutva, Narendra Modi and the party's succession plan. File photo

NEWS

32279: Jaitley reaffirms US-India commitment When Modi was denied the visa Engaging Modi the U.S. way Caste politics at work in Gujarat 2002 riots an 'internal Gujarati matter': Modi told American diplomat South and West the best; rest holding India back REVEALED: THE INDIA CABLES FROM WIKILEAKS

TOPICS

diplomacy India-United States

politics espionage and intelligence

national politics

parties and movements

Is Hindu nationalism the raison d'être of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), or just another vote-catching device? In a private conversation with American diplomats in May 2005, senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley articulated the view that Hindu nationalism was an opportunistic issue for the party.

Mr. Jaitley, who is now the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, met with Robert Blake, the Charge at the U.S. Embassy, on May 6, 2005, and provided him and the Political Counsel an insightful exposition on the politics of Hindutva. "Pressed on the question of Hindutva, Jaitley argued that Hindu nationalism 'will always be a talking point' for the BJP. However, he characterized this as an opportunistic issue," the Charge wrote in a cable dated May 10, 2005 (32279: confidential).

"In India's northeast, for instance, Hindutva plays well because of public anxiety about illegal migration of Muslims from Bangladesh. With the recent improvement of Indo-Pak relations, he added, Hindu nationalism is now less resonant in New Delhi, but that could change with another cross-border terrorist attack, for instance on the Indian Parliament," Mr. Blake reported on the interaction with Mr. Jaitley.

On the basis of these remarks on Hindutva made by Mr. Jaitley, the diplomat concluded that his "credentials with the Sangh Parivar are weak, and he may not have what it takes to mobilize the BJP base."

A "relaxed and self-assured" Mr. Jaitley predicted that L.K. Advani would lead the party for another two to three years, "after which one of five next generation leaders (Jaitley among them) would take the reins."

On the issue of revocation of the visa of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, Mr. Jaitley complained that he could not understand how the United States could take such an action against the party that began the transformation of U.S.-India relations.

When Mr. Blake explained the "rationale and legal basis" for the U.S. decision, "Jaitley agreed with the Charge's point that Modi was a polarizing personality, but argued that it would have been better for the US to let the Chief Minister visit the US, where he would have attracted a few demonstrators and then nothing more would be said."

The Modi issue aside, the BJP leader was upbeat on U.S.-India relations, "emphasizing that ties with the U.S. were no longer a point of controversy in Indian politics." Citing his own situation as typical, "Jaitley noted that he has several nieces and sisters living in the U.S., and 'five homes to visit between DC and New York.'"

In private, Mr. Jaitley appeared more willing to give credit to his political rivals where due. "Putting on his hat as a former Commerce Minister, Jaitley confessed that the BJP's opposition to a Value Added Tax (VAT) at the state level was based on a narrow political calculus, and predicted that the BJP states would adopt the VAT soon in order to protect their revenue streams. He gave the Congress government generally positive marks for its handling of economic policy issues, but focused on the contradictions inherent in the UPA coalition."

In response to the "Charge's pitch for opening of the Indian services sector," Mr. Jaitley, a Senior Advocate, agreed that legal services should be opened to foreign competition, "noting that the performance of the Indian bar has begun to improve, even though the quality of judges suffers from a 'Gandhian' mindset that leads to unreasonably low salaries." On the retail sector, Mr. Jaitley "argued that foreign competition should not seriously hurt the mom and pop stores that form a BJP constituency."

In a concluding comment, the Charge wrote: "Although visibly pained by the Modi visa revocation, Jaitley was gracious and open throughout. He clearly values his personal and commercial connections to the US (several US corporates are legal clients). As the competition for BJP leadership heats up, Jaitley will enjoy the advantages of a telegenic personality and strong ties to the New Delhi establishment."

(This article is a part of the series "The India Cables" based on the US diplomatic cables accessed by The Hindu via Wikileaks.)

Keywords: Cable32279, The India Cables, WikiLeaks, Cablegate, Hindutva, Sangh Parivar, BJP leadership

http://www.thehindu.com/news/the-india-cables/article1572119.ece

43447: Jaswant Singh believes the UPA is incapable of managing the Indo/US relationship

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Singh implied that as long as the UPA was ruling, the US should not expect dramatic progress on its agenda and would have to wait for an NDA return to power to see real progress.
43447, 10/24/2005 10:56, 05NEWDELHI8231, Embassy New Delhi, CONFIDENTIAL, 05NEWDELHI2949, "This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.", "C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 NEW DELHI 008231
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/21/2015 TAGS: PREL, ECON, PGOV, PINR, IN, PK, IR, External Political Relations SUBJECT: JASWANT SINGH BELIEVES THE UPA IS INCAPABLE OF MANAGING THE INDO/US RELATIONSHIP
REF: NEW DELHI 2949
Classified By: Ambassador David C. Mulford, for Reasons 1.4 (B, D)
1. (C) Summary: Meeting with U/S Burns and the Ambassador in New Delhi on October 21, former Foreign Minister and BJP leader Jaswant Singh expressed wholehearted support for the India/US agenda and its many components, but reading between the lines, that support was actually qualified. Singh seemed preoccupied by domestic political considerations and very critical of the UPA and its performance. He was adamant that the UPA lacked the ability to properly manage the India/US agenda and was critically handicapped by its reliance on Communist support to remain in power. Singh implied that as long as the UPA was ruling, the US should not expect dramatic progress on its agenda and would have to wait for an NDA return to power to see real progress. This changed stance reflects the changed fortunes of his party, which has suffered many political setbacks since joining the opposition in 2004. Singh appeared to doubt that the BJP and its NDA allies could provide sufficient influence in the current political setup to move the process forward, that the BJP would place domestic considerations first, and would not sacrifice its political capital to advance the US/India agenda. End Summary
Preparation for POTUS
---------------------
2. (C) U/S Burns opened the meeting by noting that he was in India in June, prior to PM Singh's Washington visit, and is here again in preparation for the POTUS visit to New Delhi likely to take place early in 2006. The purpose of the visit is to interact with Indian interlocutors regarding issues in the India/US bilateral relationship such as Pakistan/India, and nuclear questions. The U/S pointed out that there has been a ""sea change"" in Washington regarding the relationship with India, and that there is broad congressional support for a broader relationship. He asked Jaswant Singh for his thoughts and advice.
3. (C) Singh referred to previous meetings with President Bush in which they ""exchanged views"" regarding the relationship, and that he was clear regarding how he wanted things to develop. He pointed out that during the President's first term the administration was ""preoccupied: and did not give proper attention to the relationship, and then ""we (the BJP) were thrown out"" in 2004. Singh praised Ambassador Sen in Washington, saying he was ""capable and able,"" and had been hand-picked by the NDA government for the post. He recalled informing Ambassador Sen about the ""pitfalls"" of the relationship prior to his departure for Washington, and conferring with him in July. Singh revealed that the Ambassador and PM had provided him with a complete readout of the Bush visit.
Advice to the Prime Minister
----------------------------
4. (C) Singh said he would be frank and tell the U/S exactly what advice he had provided the PM. He opined that the UPA ""does not have the intellectual commitment to improve US/India relations,"" as it had inherited its platform in this regard from the previous NDA government, and had ""grown into"" its present position. He purportedly told the PM that India needs to stop asking for favors and start delivering to the world community. Singh also pointed out that the UPA would not be able to deliver as long as it was propped up by the Communists, who he claimed are bent on ""hollowing out"" the Congress party by ""disapproving anything and everything."" Singh emphasized that these foreign policy issues are inherently ""political,"" and the PM has not properly dealt with their political dimensions.
5. (C) The PM purportedly responded to Singh that he cannot ""rely on"" anyone in the UPA leadership to give him proper advice except Finance Minister Chidambaram and some of the ""scientists."" Singh emphasized to the PM that the non-proliferation regime has changed from one of controlling testing to controlling the production of fissile material and the GOI needs to stay ahead of these trends. He also endorsed a missile defense system for India, saying that it makes sense to adopt a defensive rather than an offensive strategy. Singh concluded his advice to the PM by emphasizing that the real enemies of Congress are not in the opposition, but ""with you,"" and they will ""defeat you.""
6. (C) Singh characterized the PM as a ""good economist,"" who is good at ""reading paper,"" but not strong on executing policy. As he told Strobe Talbott, after the Indian nuclear test of 1998, India must demonstrate that it is ""part of the solution and not a problem,"" and to realize this, the country must have a total agenda, which the UPA does not have. Singh then attacked the UPA for its undue ""secrecy"" regarding its decision on the IAEA vote, saying it was not necessary, and the GOI must explain to the opposition its reasoning behind the vote.
Bilateral
---------
7. (C) U/S Burns emphasized that the US is ready, and there is a growing political consensus in favor of a broad expansion of Washington/New Delhi ties. There are many components to this cooperation, including a much more intensive business and economic dialogue on trade, energy, defense production, and opening investment. The second piece of the policy regards new cooperation in entirely new areas such as space launch, and democratization. The UN has just launched a Democracy Fund, and the USG hopes it can work with the GOI on this.
8. (C) Civil Nuclear cooperation between the US and India is ""very contentious"" in Congress, with some criticizing the President for putting too much trust in India. We are convinced, however, that we are right, and that it is in the US interest to go from the ""abnormal"" situation of the past 30 years to a new pragmatic relationship, and he hoped Congress would come around in the next few months. The US has already gone to the NSG and emphasized the need to liberalize and modernize norms regarding India, and there are a full range of technical and scientific projects the two countries can work together on. By the time of the POTUS visit, he predicted that we will see ""dramatic steps forward.""
9. (C) The U/S also pointed out that there is scope for ""much more active cooperation"" with India in regional affairs and in transnational issues such as HIV/AIDS, crime, narcotics, trafficking in persons and nuclear nonproliferation. He did not see much ""separation"" between the two countries on these issues and foresaw India playing a global role in the future.
and Iran
--------
10. (C) U/S Burns pointed out that the US position on Iran and the IAEA is more ""nuanced"" than popularly perceived in India. The USG seeks a negotiated settlement of the dispute. The Secretary has met with the Russians to broaden the diplomatic environment beyond the EU3 to eventually include Russia, India, China, Brazil, and South Africa. The goal is to isolate Iran and pressure it back to the negotiating table.
11. (C) Emphasizing that the new government in Teheran is ""more conservative"" than the previous one, (half of its Cabinet comes from the Revolutionary Guard), the U/S noted that it will need more time to determine its policy orientation, and may be getting back to a more balanced position. The US is prepared to go to the IAEA and the UNSC for votes, but would prefer multilateral negotiations, and believes that Russia shares this view. India should encourage Iran to return to talks and should advise agaisnt enrichment. It is significant that India voted with the majority in the IAEA and that Iran is isolated. The President has agreed that every country has a right to peaceful nuclear energy, but Iran needs to rebuild trust within the IAEA that was lost by its deception. This will be a gradual diplomatic process in which India will pay a key part. Iran must come to realize that its position on nuclear weapons does not make sense.
India is Supportive, But...
---------------------------
12. (C) Jaswant Singh maintained that the BJP has always pressed India to help by engaging Iran, and believes that a nuclear armed Iran is not in India's interest. However, the UPA stance on this issue is not correct. It needs to sit down and consult with the opposition and explain its position. India is in a unique position in this regard in that 40 percent of its Muslims are Shias and it is the third largest Shia country in the world. India must know something about Islam, as its Muslims are not involved in terrorism.
A Spotty Historic Record
------------------------
13. (C) Singh characterized the US/India relationship as ""episodic"" and reminisced about when he was Defense Minister, when ""the only word in the US vocabulary was no."" He noted that both countries need to engage politically and learn from each other to get out of this pattern of highs and lows. He emphasized that he was totally on board when it comes to the US/India economic agenda, and there was room for dramatic movement in military to military relations. However, the biggest difficulty is the huge gap between promise and delivery. The GOI is saddled with an ""obstinate bureaucracy"" which is determined ""not to let anything happen."" The private sector cannot implement economic reform on its own. The GOI must be engaged.
14. (C) The Ambassador pointed out that Secretary Snow is coming to New Delhi in November to address these issues. He noted that one of the greatest needs in India is the further liberalization of the financial market, and the USG is confused about the division of labor, as there seems to be a contradiction between the policies of the Finance Minister and the Reserve Bank. The Bank is very conservative and this is the biggest impediment to economic progress. Snow will need guidance on how and where to push.
15. (C) Singh responded that this was the first he had heard of these problems. The Reserve Bank should not be making economic policy, he opined, and should restrict its activities to managing the currency. The Finance Ministry may be using the Bank to justify its failure to deliver. The Reserve Bank Governor Dr. Reddy meets with him often, and he would discuss these issues with him. This problem stems from the UPA's failure to identify who runs the financial portfolio. The Communists remain the greatest obstacle and will continue to defeat the government on essentials.
Caution Is Justified
--------------------
16. (C) In response to a question from U/S Burns, regarding parliamentary and public support for closer US/India ties, Singh emphasized that the BJP is committed, but was skeptical regarding the political climate. This is a democracy and no one can predict future priorities and political instincts can overwhelm policy considerations. The Communists will obstruct the policy and the PM should deal with this problem. Singh emphasized that the US should not have frontloaded the relationship with nuclear issues but should have waited to construct a large political base first.
17. (C) Kashmir is another place where the UPA may not be able to deliver. The NDA worked to put the past behind and move forward. However, Kashmir and the range of India/US issues are hampered by institutional memories. The NDA made progress to overcome this and PM Singh is trying, but Singh was not hopeful. The NDA will support the US/India agenda, but the UPA is dubious, especially since there is a hierarchy of controversial issues to be dealt with that will be difficult to address.
Trust But Verify
----------------
18. (C) Singh was also skeptical regarding the US/Pakistan relationship, saying that he had dealt with President Musharraf earlier and he epitomized the ""best options syndrome."" Whoever becomes the leader of Pakistan, whether a military dictator or an elected civilian, is embraced by the US as the ""best option,"" to address Pakistan's problems. He complained that he could not work within the ""best option"" paradigm, as Musharraf has ""betrayed me."" He is giving the US what it wants and the US must continue with him to try to get the maximum advantage, but should not expect Musharraf to ""repeatedly sell his soul.""
19. (C) The US Pakistan policy structure is based on one person. Singh noted that no US diplomatic mission or diplomat has been attacked in India, but that is not the case with Pakistan. The US and India are ""natural allies,"" but Pakistan is different. It was carved out of India to provide Muslims a separate nation and must continue this separation to survive. Pakistan has repeatedly betrayed Indian peace efforts. He remembered going to Kandahar to retrieve the hi-jacked Indian aircraft and its passengers. The hi-jackers drove to Quetta where they were warmly welcomed by their ISI handlers. Musharraf has given you all that he can.
20. (C) When U/S Burns responded that the US needs Pakistan to jointly combat the Taliban and Al Qaeda, Singh urged the US to determine whether it is ""paying too high a price"" for services from Pakistan. He pointed out that if left alone the people of Kashmir would have solved their problems, but Pakistan has insisted on interfering in order to justify India's partition. He conceded that India needs a peaceful and economically viable Pakistan.
21. (C) U/S Burns emphasized that the US will move forward with Pakistan, but the A.Q. Khan problem has not yet been fully resolved. The US no longer maintains a ""hyphenated relationship"" when it comes to relations with India and Pakistan in any case, and the US/India relationship is much broader in its scope.
23. (C) Singh concluded by urging the US not to become ""illogical"" in its relations with states such as Pakistan. He recounted how an American at the IAEA had once proposed a new category of ""gross violator"" of the NPT. If this policy had been pursued in regards to Pakistan, it would have upset US/Pakistan policy. The same thing could now happen with Iran. The US need less arbitrary policies that appear less ""mismatched"" than at present. Singh confirmed that he hoped to travel to the US at the beginning of 2006 and would visit the State Department while in Washington.
Comment
-------
24. (C) Singh made the right noises regarding NDA support for the US/India agenda, and the Indian stance regarding Iran in the IAEA, but appeared more focused on domestic politics than the international agenda. His criticism of the Prime Minister and his performance was more vitriolic than expected, and he was particularly contemptuous of the UPA's Communist allies. Singh was convinced that the UPA is an unholy alliance between a clueless Congress and rapacious Communists that is unworkable and unable to deliver on any aspect of the political/economic agenda, whether it be economic reform, dealing with Iran and Pakistan or the India/US relationship. Such an absolutist approach would imply that only a return of the NDA to power can save the agenda. The BJP out of power presented a different picture than the BJP in control in New Delhi. The party has suffered many setbacks since leaving office in 2004 and is clearly on the defensive. It is clear that as long as it faces an uphill battle against the UPA, it will not be prepared to sacrifice its domestic political fortunes on the altar of improved US/India relations.
25. This cable was cleared by U/S Burns.
MULFORD "
Keywords: cable43447, The India Cables, cablegate, Jaswant Singh, UPA, Indo-U.S. relations, civil nuclear deal

151154: Indian Iran retort might lay groundwork for nuclear movement

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The reality remains that India and Iran have a flimsy relationship, which the Congress Party has attempted to spin for the benefit of its Left allies and Muslim voters, who continue to deride India's two votes in the IAEA against Iran.
151154 4/24/2008 12:12 08NEWDELHI1134 Embassy New Delhi SECRET//NOFORN 08NEWDELHI1134 "VZCZCXRO6893OO RUEHBC RUEHBI RUEHCI RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK RUEHLH RUEHPWDE RUEHNE #1134/01 1151212ZNY SSSSS ZZHO 241212Z APR 08FM AMEMBASSY NEW DELHITO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 1433INFO RUCNCLS/ALL SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA COLLECTIVERUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVERUCNNSG/NUCLEAR SUPPLIERS GROUP COLLECTIVERUEAIIA/CIA WASHDCRHEBAAA/DEPT OF ENERGY WASHINGTON DCRUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDCRHEHNSC/NSC WASHDCRUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDCRUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA 1455RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 6312" "S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 NEW DELHI 001134
SIPDIS
NOFORN SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/21/2018 TAGS: PREL, PARM, TSPL, KNNP, ETTC, ENRG, TRGY, IN, IR
SUBJECT: INDIAN IRAN RETORT MIGHT LAY GROUNDWORK FOR NUCLEAR MOVEMENT
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Steven White for Reasons 1.4 (B and D)
1. (C/NF) Summary: External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee echoed April 23 the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesman's strong and unhelpful reaction to the U.S. statement on India's relationship with Iran. While the Communists expressed their approval for the MEA statement, Left leaders also demanded April 23 that the government summon the U.S. Ambassador to protest against the ""unsolicited advice."" Mukherjee also told reporters that the government would call for a ""sense of the house"" in Parliament on the nuclear issue prior to seeking U.S. ratification of the agreement. The intensified high-profile stance on Iran, Iran President Ahmadinejad's visit, and Mukherjee's promise to give Parliament a say in the nuclear initiative could possibly lay the groundwork for the Left to allow the UPA government to submit the safeguards agreement to the IAEA Board of Governors during the next UPA-Left committee meeting scheduled May 6. As usual, the Indian government is stroking its Left and Muslim constituencies with cheap rhetoric and empty gestures prior -- we hope -- to solid forward movement with the U.S. Embassy will continue to protect MEA's overreaction to Tom Casey's statement, and will arrange a briefing to Indian government leaders that may influence the message they deliver to President Ahmadinejad. End Summary.
- - - Mukherjee Elaborates on India's Iran Stance - - -
2. (SBU) During an April 23 interaction with reporters, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee stated that Indian officials would discuss the nuclear issue with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad when he visits Delhi April 29, but advised the U.S. to back off. ""We are advising Iran that since it is a signatory of NPT, it has some obligation to international treaties,"" he stated. ""We tell the U.S., do not take on yourself the responsibility whether Iran was manufacturing weapons or not. Leave it to the IAEA, the designated authority,"" Mukherjee continued. He elaborated that the IAEA must ""convince themselves whether (Tehran's program) is peaceful."" Asked to respond to spokesperson Tom Casey's April 21 remarks, Mukherjee referred the media to the Ministry of External Affair's (MEA) statement issued April 22, which he described as ""correct.""
3. (SBU) In response to Casey's statement, the MEA had declared April 22 that Iran and India ""are perfectly capable of managing all aspects of their relationship with the appropriate degree of care and attention."" The MEA dismissed the encouragement by the U.S. to urge Ahmadinejad to meet the requirements set by the UN Security Council. ""Neither country needs any guidance on the future conduct of bilateral relations as both believe that engagement and dialogue alone lead to peace,"" he said, and stressed that the two countries enjoy ties that date back to ancient civilizations.
- - - MEA Statement Reveals MEA Split on U.S. and Iran - - -
4. (C) PolCouns protested to MEA Joint Secretary (Americas) Gaitri Kumar April 22 MEA's sharp statement, especially after Kumar had earlier shared with PolCouns an anodyne draft statement that reiterated standard Indian talking points on Iran. Kumar related that India's growing relationship with the U.S. has split MEA into two camps, and a member of the group that opposes any progress in U.S.-India relations rewrote the MEA statement. She remarked that Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon was furious about the result when SIPDIS he returned from Beijing earlier that day. Although PolCouns pressed, Kumar would not reveal who approved the re-worked public statement.
5. (C) Charge met April 24 with Additional Secretary (International Organizations) Vivek Katju, and brought up the Iran issue. Katju had no substantive response.
- - - Left Welcomes Tough MEA Statement But Wants More NEW DELHI 00001134 002 OF 003 - - -
6. (SBU) Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) Politburo member Brinda Karat raised the ""unsolicited advice"" from the U.S. April 23 during the Question Hour in Parliament's Rajya Sabha (upper house). ""Though the External Affairs Ministry has denounced the U.S. statement, it was not enough. The U.S. Ambassador should be summoned and India should register its strong displeasure on the issue,"" she demanded. ""The U.S. has been telling India to cooperate with it on the Iranian nuclear issue. This clearly proves that the U.S. considers India its junior partner. The U.S. cannot guide us on our foreign policy matters,"" she argued. Karat's Left colleagues and members of parties associated with the United National Progressive Alliance (UNPA), the loose grouping of regional parties not associated with either the Congress or BJP, supported her denunciation. While CPM leader Sitaram Yechury said that he appreciated the MEA's rebuff, he also called in Parliament for the government to summon the U.S. Ambassador ""over the interference from the self-appointed world policeman.""
7. (SBU) Elements of the Congress Party also expressed their approval of Ahmadinejad's visit. Deputy Home Minister Shakeel Ahmed, known as a close associate of Congress Party President Sonia Gandhi's advisor Ahmed Patel, told The Telegraph April 23 that ""we think India and Iran are two mature states...and can discuss things among themselves.""
- - - Mukherjee To Take the Nuclear Deal to Parliament - - -
8. (SBU) Mukherjee also announced April 23 that the UPA government will seek a ""sense of the House"" before completing the nuclear initiative. ""Before we go for its ratification in the American Parliament, we will come to Parliament to take the sense of the House even though there is no provision in the Constitution that stands in our way,"" he told reporters. ""If at that point of time, Parliament refuses to move the legislation, the international agreement will be of no use."" Mukherjee outlined that the government would seek the Parliament vote after obtaining IAEA Board approval of the safeguards agreement and an exception from the Nuclear Suppliers Group, but before ratification by the U.S. Congress. One commentator surmised that the legislation might come in the form of amendments to India's Atomic Energy Act that allow for private participation in India's nuclear sector.
9. (C) An Australian political officer expressed his concern about Mukherjee's formulation to poloff April 24. He worried that ""practical"" countries with strong nonproliferation interests, like Australia, Japan and Germany, would be reluctant to expend political capital to support an NSG exception if India has not demonstrated its own commitment. Why should NSG countries make the tough political decisions if the Indian government cannot, he wondered. Although he cautioned that he had not received guidance from Canberra, he admitted that his Ambassador, who has supported the nuclear initiative despite the Rudd government's misgivings, has serious questions about India's new sequencing.
- - - Comment: The UPA Lays the Groundwork for IAEA Submission - - -
10. (C) The visit by Ahmadinejad, sharp retorts to the anodyne U.S. statement, and the pledge to take the nuclear deal to Parliament could give the Left sufficient political cover to allow the UPA government to submit the safeguards agreement to the IAEA Board of Governors when they meet May 6 for the next UPA-Left committee meeting. Ahmadinejad's transit through Delhi will provide reassurance to the America-haters that India's foreign policy remains ""independent"" of the U.S. -- a message reinforced by the truculent MEA statement. Meanwhile, the promise of a ""sense of the House"" gives the Left the opportunity to veto the initiative further down the road, potentially allowing the UPA government to advance the deal one more inch forward. The UPA may have calculated that the later vote in Parliament NEW DELHI 00001134 003 OF 003 will help pressure NSG countries to draft a clean, non-controversial exception for India. If achieved, such simple NSG language would then put pressure on the Left to voice support in Parliament because China, among other NSG members, would have supported by consensus. The risk remains, however, that the Left may use domestic legislation to single out and ban nuclear cooperation with the U.S. specifically, but because such a move would irrevocably harm U.S.-India relations, we think that even the weak-willed Congress Party would resist such a move.
11. (C) While the MEA and Left remarks on Iran are egregious, they are likely mere tactics in the UPA's domestic political machinations. A sharp, public response by the U.S. will only inflame matters. The reality remains that India and Iran have a flimsy relationship, which the Congress Party has attempted to spin for the benefit of its Left allies and Muslim voters, who continue to deride India's two votes in the IAEA against Iran. If the Left finally allows the nuclear initiative to move forward May 6, the sound and fury over Iran might have a useful dimension.
12. (S/NF) Meanwhile, Embassy will register its protest of the MEA's offensive statement on Iran. We have offered a briefing to senior Indian officials on Iran's nuclear program, energy picture, domestic politics and relations with its neighbors that may shape their interaction with the visiting Iranian leader. That briefing is scheduled for April 27, two days before Ahmadinejad arrives in Delhi, and provides an opportunity to influence New Delhi's message to Tehran.
WHITE "
151154 4/24/2008 12:12 08NEWDELHI1134 Embassy New Delhi SECRET//NOFORN 08NEWDELHI1134 "VZCZCXRO6893OO RUEHBC RUEHBI RUEHCI RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK RUEHLH RUEHPWDE RUEHNE #1134/01 1151212ZNY SSSSS ZZHO 241212Z APR 08FM AMEMBASSY NEW DELHITO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 1433INFO RUCNCLS/ALL SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA COLLECTIVERUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVERUCNNSG/NUCLEAR SUPPLIERS GROUP COLLECTIVERUEAIIA/CIA WASHDCRHEBAAA/DEPT OF ENERGY WASHINGTON DCRUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDCRHEHNSC/NSC WASHDCRUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDCRUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA 1455RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 6312" "S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 NEW DELHI 001134
SIPDIS
NOFORN SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/21/2018 TAGS: PREL, PARM, TSPL, KNNP, ETTC, ENRG, TRGY, IN, IR
SUBJECT: INDIAN IRAN RETORT MIGHT LAY GROUNDWORK FOR NUCLEAR MOVEMENT
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Steven White for Reasons 1.4 (B and D)
1. (C/NF) Summary: External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee echoed April 23 the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesman's strong and unhelpful reaction to the U.S. statement on India's relationship with Iran. While the Communists expressed their approval for the MEA statement, Left leaders also demanded April 23 that the government summon the U.S. Ambassador to protest against the ""unsolicited advice."" Mukherjee also told reporters that the government would call for a ""sense of the house"" in Parliament on the nuclear issue prior to seeking U.S. ratification of the agreement. The intensified high-profile stance on Iran, Iran President Ahmadinejad's visit, and Mukherjee's promise to give Parliament a say in the nuclear initiative could possibly lay the groundwork for the Left to allow the UPA government to submit the safeguards agreement to the IAEA Board of Governors during the next UPA-Left committee meeting scheduled May 6. As usual, the Indian government is stroking its Left and Muslim constituencies with cheap rhetoric and empty gestures prior -- we hope -- to solid forward movement with the U.S. Embassy will continue to protect MEA's overreaction to Tom Casey's statement, and will arrange a briefing to Indian government leaders that may influence the message they deliver to President Ahmadinejad. End Summary.
- - - Mukherjee Elaborates on India's Iran Stance - - -
2. (SBU) During an April 23 interaction with reporters, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee stated that Indian officials would discuss the nuclear issue with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad when he visits Delhi April 29, but advised the U.S. to back off. ""We are advising Iran that since it is a signatory of NPT, it has some obligation to international treaties,"" he stated. ""We tell the U.S., do not take on yourself the responsibility whether Iran was manufacturing weapons or not. Leave it to the IAEA, the designated authority,"" Mukherjee continued. He elaborated that the IAEA must ""convince themselves whether (Tehran's program) is peaceful."" Asked to respond to spokesperson Tom Casey's April 21 remarks, Mukherjee referred the media to the Ministry of External Affair's (MEA) statement issued April 22, which he described as ""correct.""
3. (SBU) In response to Casey's statement, the MEA had declared April 22 that Iran and India ""are perfectly capable of managing all aspects of their relationship with the appropriate degree of care and attention."" The MEA dismissed the encouragement by the U.S. to urge Ahmadinejad to meet the requirements set by the UN Security Council. ""Neither country needs any guidance on the future conduct of bilateral relations as both believe that engagement and dialogue alone lead to peace,"" he said, and stressed that the two countries enjoy ties that date back to ancient civilizations.
- - - MEA Statement Reveals MEA Split on U.S. and Iran - - -
4. (C) PolCouns protested to MEA Joint Secretary (Americas) Gaitri Kumar April 22 MEA's sharp statement, especially after Kumar had earlier shared with PolCouns an anodyne draft statement that reiterated standard Indian talking points on Iran. Kumar related that India's growing relationship with the U.S. has split MEA into two camps, and a member of the group that opposes any progress in U.S.-India relations rewrote the MEA statement. She remarked that Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon was furious about the result when SIPDIS he returned from Beijing earlier that day. Although PolCouns pressed, Kumar would not reveal who approved the re-worked public statement.
5. (C) Charge met April 24 with Additional Secretary (International Organizations) Vivek Katju, and brought up the Iran issue. Katju had no substantive response.
- - - Left Welcomes Tough MEA Statement But Wants More NEW DELHI 00001134 002 OF 003 - - -
6. (SBU) Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) Politburo member Brinda Karat raised the ""unsolicited advice"" from the U.S. April 23 during the Question Hour in Parliament's Rajya Sabha (upper house). ""Though the External Affairs Ministry has denounced the U.S. statement, it was not enough. The U.S. Ambassador should be summoned and India should register its strong displeasure on the issue,"" she demanded. ""The U.S. has been telling India to cooperate with it on the Iranian nuclear issue. This clearly proves that the U.S. considers India its junior partner. The U.S. cannot guide us on our foreign policy matters,"" she argued. Karat's Left colleagues and members of parties associated with the United National Progressive Alliance (UNPA), the loose grouping of regional parties not associated with either the Congress or BJP, supported her denunciation. While CPM leader Sitaram Yechury said that he appreciated the MEA's rebuff, he also called in Parliament for the government to summon the U.S. Ambassador ""over the interference from the self-appointed world policeman.""
7. (SBU) Elements of the Congress Party also expressed their approval of Ahmadinejad's visit. Deputy Home Minister Shakeel Ahmed, known as a close associate of Congress Party President Sonia Gandhi's advisor Ahmed Patel, told The Telegraph April 23 that ""we think India and Iran are two mature states...and can discuss things among themselves.""
- - - Mukherjee To Take the Nuclear Deal to Parliament - - -
8. (SBU) Mukherjee also announced April 23 that the UPA government will seek a ""sense of the House"" before completing the nuclear initiative. ""Before we go for its ratification in the American Parliament, we will come to Parliament to take the sense of the House even though there is no provision in the Constitution that stands in our way,"" he told reporters. ""If at that point of time, Parliament refuses to move the legislation, the international agreement will be of no use."" Mukherjee outlined that the government would seek the Parliament vote after obtaining IAEA Board approval of the safeguards agreement and an exception from the Nuclear Suppliers Group, but before ratification by the U.S. Congress. One commentator surmised that the legislation might come in the form of amendments to India's Atomic Energy Act that allow for private participation in India's nuclear sector.
9. (C) An Australian political officer expressed his concern about Mukherjee's formulation to poloff April 24. He worried that ""practical"" countries with strong nonproliferation interests, like Australia, Japan and Germany, would be reluctant to expend political capital to support an NSG exception if India has not demonstrated its own commitment. Why should NSG countries make the tough political decisions if the Indian government cannot, he wondered. Although he cautioned that he had not received guidance from Canberra, he admitted that his Ambassador, who has supported the nuclear initiative despite the Rudd government's misgivings, has serious questions about India's new sequencing.
- - - Comment: The UPA Lays the Groundwork for IAEA Submission - - -
10. (C) The visit by Ahmadinejad, sharp retorts to the anodyne U.S. statement, and the pledge to take the nuclear deal to Parliament could give the Left sufficient political cover to allow the UPA government to submit the safeguards agreement to the IAEA Board of Governors when they meet May 6 for the next UPA-Left committee meeting. Ahmadinejad's transit through Delhi will provide reassurance to the America-haters that India's foreign policy remains ""independent"" of the U.S. -- a message reinforced by the truculent MEA statement. Meanwhile, the promise of a ""sense of the House"" gives the Left the opportunity to veto the initiative further down the road, potentially allowing the UPA government to advance the deal one more inch forward. The UPA may have calculated that the later vote in Parliament NEW DELHI 00001134 003 OF 003 will help pressure NSG countries to draft a clean, non-controversial exception for India. If achieved, such simple NSG language would then put pressure on the Left to voice support in Parliament because China, among other NSG members, would have supported by consensus. The risk remains, however, that the Left may use domestic legislation to single out and ban nuclear cooperation with the U.S. specifically, but because such a move would irrevocably harm U.S.-India relations, we think that even the weak-willed Congress Party would resist such a move.
11. (C) While the MEA and Left remarks on Iran are egregious, they are likely mere tactics in the UPA's domestic political machinations. A sharp, public response by the U.S. will only inflame matters. The reality remains that India and Iran have a flimsy relationship, which the Congress Party has attempted to spin for the benefit of its Left allies and Muslim voters, who continue to deride India's two votes in the IAEA against Iran. If the Left finally allows the nuclear initiative to move forward May 6, the sound and fury over Iran might have a useful dimension.
12. (S/NF) Meanwhile, Embassy will register its protest of the MEA's offensive statement on Iran. We have offered a briefing to senior Indian officials on Iran's nuclear program, energy picture, domestic politics and relations with its neighbors that may shape their interaction with the visiting Iranian leader. That briefing is scheduled for April 27, two days before Ahmadinejad arrives in Delhi, and provides an opportunity to influence New Delhi's message to Tehran.
WHITE "
Keywords: cable151154, The India Cables, cablegate, India Iran policy, nuclear disarmament, IAEA

106645: Indian Deobandis say Pakistani JUI-F willing to broker peace talks with Taliban

Madani said Fazl ur-Rahman wanted to discuss Taliban reconciliation as well as his position in Pakistani politics with U.S. diplomats, but only while outside of Pakistan.

106645 5/3/2007 10:17 07NEWDELHI2117 Embassy New Delhi SECRET 07NEWDELHI2117 "VZCZCXRO4267PP RUEHBC RUEHBI RUEHCI RUEHDBU RUEHDE RUEHKUK RUEHLH RUEHPW RUEHROVDE RUEHNE #2117/01 1231017ZNY SSSSS ZZHP 031017Z MAY 07FM AMEMBASSY NEW DELHITO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5339INFO RUCNAFG/AFGHANISTAN COLLECTIVERUCNCLS/ALL SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA COLLECTIVERUCNISL/ISLAMIC COLLECTIVERUEHAD/AMEMBASSY ABU DHABI 1395RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 6085RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 3531RUEHMO/AMEMBASSY MOSCOW 2032RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO 4915RUEHDE/AMCONSUL DUBAI 0649RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDCRUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 4575RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDCRUEIDN/DNI WASHINGTON DCRHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HIRUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 6845RUCPDOC/DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHDCRHHJJPI/PACOM IDHS HONOLULU HIRHMFISS/HQ USSOCOM MACDILL AFB FLRHMFISS/HQ USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FLRUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDCRUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC" "S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 NEW DELHI 002117

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/03/2017 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, PTER, PINR, PBTS, MOPS, KDEM, KISL, PK, IN

SUBJECT: INDIAN DEOBANDIS SAY PAKISTANI JUI-F WILLING TO BROKER PEACE TALKS WITH TALIBAN

NEW DELHI 00002117 001.2 OF 002

Classified By: A/PolCouns Atul Keshap, Reason 1.5 (B,D)

1. (S) Summary: Poloffs met on April 27th with Pandit N. K. Sharma -- who once headed Muslim Outreach for the Rao government and who claims close ties to the Gandhi family -- as well as Maulana Mahmood Madani, a member of Parliament and prominent leader of the Deobandi political organization Jamiat Ulema-e Hind (JuH), a longtime Congress ally. Discussion focused on press reports that Sharma had been shepherding Pakistani Jamiat-i-Ulema Islam (JUI-F) leader Maulana Fazl ur-Rahman from meeting to meeting during his April 22nd to 26th visit to New Delhi. Madani said Fazl ur-Rahman wanted to discuss Taliban reconciliation as well as his position in Pakistani politics with U.S. diplomats, but only while outside of Pakistan. Sharma said further that Rahman had met with Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Singh, and National Security Advisor Narayanan during his trip to India, and all had supported his offer of negotiations with the Taliban. End Summary.

Muslim Outreach -- Indian Deobandis to Pakistani Deobandis

--------------------------------------------- -------------

2. (S) Poloffs met on April 27th with Pandit N. K. Sharma, former head of Muslim Outreach during the Rao government, who claims close ties to the Gandhi family, as well as with Maulana Mahmood Madani, an Indian MP who heads the Deobandi political organization Jamiat Ulema-e Hind (JuH). Madani noted that the Deobandi sects of Islam in India and Pakistan share similar religious doctrines, but differ widely on political issues. India's founders maintained that religion should be kept separate from politics and Indian Deobandis embraced these principles, while Pakistan's founding Muslim League tried to combine these spheres, with Pakistani Deobandi support. Madani said his organization did not believe in violence and is prepared to preach this message to Deobandi Pashtuns both in Pakistan and in Afghanistan. Madani said much of the discussion with Rahman centered around these efforts, and that the meetings between Pakistani and Indian Deobandis had gone well. While normally they would get caught up in heated arguments over Kashmir, this issue did not come up. Sharma said privately later that Madani wanted to send 2,000 Ulema to Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh, broken into groups of five, to preach a non-violent form of Deobandi Islam.

Taliban Reconciliation

----------------------

3. (S) Madani said Rahman had a second, more pressing, issue he wanted to discuss with U.S. officials, but he was only interested in holding these talks outside of Pakistan. Madani emphasized that military efforts to destroy the Taliban would never succeed, and that only a negotiated settlement would end the conflict in Afghanistan. He said has had a bad reputation in Pakistani politics because of hi known ties to Taliban members. Madani explained that Rahman was interested in acting as a go between for the United States, to negotiate with the Taliban in order to bring them into the mainstream and peacefully into politics in Afghanistan. Madani said many of the Taliban were just caught up in the conflict and did not have a way out of it. Which Taliban members were willing to be involved and under what circumstances would have to be worked out in the negotiations.

Politics in Pakistan and Bangladesh

-----------------------------------

4. (S) Madani said further that Rahman wanted to become more

NEW DELHI 00002117 002.2 OF 002

important in Pakistani politics and that U.S. support of President Musharraf was not helping to resolve the conflict in Afghanistan. He said in contrast to Musharraf, Rahman did not look like he was beholden to the U.S., but that Rahman in reality was more moderate than Musharraf. He claimed further that the JUI-F is gaining ground, would pick up more power in upcoming elections, and should be allowed to play its rightful role in the GOP. Further, Madani asked that talks focus on bringing ""like minded"" leaders into power in Bangladesh. He said the discussions with the U.S. should be three pronged -- first, Taliban reconciliation; second, Rahman's position in Pakistan; and third, the elections in Bangladesh. Sharma said later that Rahman met with Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Singh, NSA Narayanan, as well as some opposition leaders, including former Prime Minister Vajpayee, and that all of them supported these negotiations.

Why Not in Pakistan?

--------------------

5. (S) Madani said Rahman could not speak freely in Pakistan, that he would say one thing in Pakistan and something else in India if asked. Sharma said it was important that these talks happen outside of Pakistan for three reasons: First, the former U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan was well known and very close to Musharraf. Second, Rahman would jeopardize his position in the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) if he had these discussions in Pakistan because the Jamaat-Islamia (JI) disagreed with him politically on these issues, and that extremists in Pakistan would threaten him. Finally, Sharma said India wanted to play a role in the negotiations, which they could not do inside Pakistan. When asked, Sharma agreed that a third country, such as the United Arab Emirates, could also be a viable option.

6. (S) After Madani's departure, Sharma pointed out that Madani is a highly revered leader in Pakistan with several million followers among the Deobandis. He emphasized that Madani and Rahman's combined influence, with U.S. and Indian backing, could break the logjam in Afghanistan and bring the Taliban into the peace process.

Sharma: A Note of Caution

-------------------------

7. (S) Comment: Sharma appears to exaggerate his role in the talks, as well as his influence over world affairs. He claimed to have brokered peace talks with the All Assam Student Union for Rajiv Gandhi in the 1980's as well as to have traveled to Iraq on behalf of ""people in the U.S."" to meet with Sadaam Hussein before the Gulf War. Sharma also implied that he had ties to India's intelligence agencies, and that talking to him was tantamount to talking to Indian decision makers directly. Sharma may also have been Indira Gandhi's astrologer during her time as Prime Minister. That said, Maulana Madani -- who accompanied Rahman on his New Delhi trip -- is a member of Parliament and is a leader of one of the most prominent and influential Islamic organizations in India. While we remain skeptical that India -- which has long supported members of the Afghan Northern Alliance -- would support such a discussion with Taliban leaders, we think Maulana Madani's efforts, although overly ambitious, reflect his seriousness. End Comment.

8. (U) We cleared this cable with Embassy Islamabad prior to sending.

PYATT

Keywords: cable106645, The India Cables, cablegate, Pakistan Taliban, mediation, Fazlur Rahman, Islamic extremism

151154: Indian Iran retort might lay groundwork for nuclear movement

SHARE · PRINT · T+

The reality remains that India and Iran have a flimsy relationship, which the Congress Party has attempted to spin for the benefit of its Left allies and Muslim voters, who continue to deride India's two votes in the IAEA against Iran.

151154 4/24/2008 12:12 08NEWDELHI1134 Embassy New Delhi SECRET//NOFORN 08NEWDELHI1134 "VZCZCXRO6893OO RUEHBC RUEHBI RUEHCI RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK RUEHLH RUEHPWDE RUEHNE #1134/01 1151212ZNY SSSSS ZZHO 241212Z APR 08FM AMEMBASSY NEW DELHITO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 1433INFO RUCNCLS/ALL SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA COLLECTIVERUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVERUCNNSG/NUCLEAR SUPPLIERS GROUP COLLECTIVERUEAIIA/CIA WASHDCRHEBAAA/DEPT OF ENERGY WASHINGTON DCRUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDCRHEHNSC/NSC WASHDCRUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDCRUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA 1455RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 6312" "S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 NEW DELHI 001134

SIPDIS

NOFORN SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/21/2018 TAGS: PREL, PARM, TSPL, KNNP, ETTC, ENRG, TRGY, IN, IR

SUBJECT: INDIAN IRAN RETORT MIGHT LAY GROUNDWORK FOR NUCLEAR MOVEMENT

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Steven White for Reasons 1.4 (B and D)

1. (C/NF) Summary: External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee echoed April 23 the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesman's strong and unhelpful reaction to the U.S. statement on India's relationship with Iran. While the Communists expressed their approval for the MEA statement, Left leaders also demanded April 23 that the government summon the U.S. Ambassador to protest against the ""unsolicited advice."" Mukherjee also told reporters that the government would call for a ""sense of the house"" in Parliament on the nuclear issue prior to seeking U.S. ratification of the agreement. The intensified high-profile stance on Iran, Iran President Ahmadinejad's visit, and Mukherjee's promise to give Parliament a say in the nuclear initiative could possibly lay the groundwork for the Left to allow the UPA government to submit the safeguards agreement to the IAEA Board of Governors during the next UPA-Left committee meeting scheduled May 6. As usual, the Indian government is stroking its Left and Muslim constituencies with cheap rhetoric and empty gestures prior -- we hope -- to solid forward movement with the U.S. Embassy will continue to protect MEA's overreaction to Tom Casey's statement, and will arrange a briefing to Indian government leaders that may influence the message they deliver to President Ahmadinejad. End Summary.

- - - Mukherjee Elaborates on India's Iran Stance - - -

2. (SBU) During an April 23 interaction with reporters, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee stated that Indian officials would discuss the nuclear issue with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad when he visits Delhi April 29, but advised the U.S. to back off. ""We are advising Iran that since it is a signatory of NPT, it has some obligation to international treaties,"" he stated. ""We tell the U.S., do not take on yourself the responsibility whether Iran was manufacturing weapons or not. Leave it to the IAEA, the designated authority,"" Mukherjee continued. He elaborated that the IAEA must ""convince themselves whether (Tehran's program) is peaceful."" Asked to respond to spokesperson Tom Casey's April 21 remarks, Mukherjee referred the media to the Ministry of External Affair's (MEA) statement issued April 22, which he described as ""correct.""

3. (SBU) In response to Casey's statement, the MEA had declared April 22 that Iran and India ""are perfectly capable of managing all aspects of their relationship with the appropriate degree of care and attention."" The MEA dismissed the encouragement by the U.S. to urge Ahmadinejad to meet the requirements set by the UN Security Council. ""Neither country needs any guidance on the future conduct of bilateral relations as both believe that engagement and dialogue alone lead to peace,"" he said, and stressed that the two countries enjoy ties that date back to ancient civilizations.

- - - MEA Statement Reveals MEA Split on U.S. and Iran - - -

4. (C) PolCouns protested to MEA Joint Secretary (Americas) Gaitri Kumar April 22 MEA's sharp statement, especially after Kumar had earlier shared with PolCouns an anodyne draft statement that reiterated standard Indian talking points on Iran. Kumar related that India's growing relationship with the U.S. has split MEA into two camps, and a member of the group that opposes any progress in U.S.-India relations rewrote the MEA statement. She remarked that Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon was furious about the result when SIPDIS he returned from Beijing earlier that day. Although PolCouns pressed, Kumar would not reveal who approved the re-worked public statement.

5. (C) Charge met April 24 with Additional Secretary (International Organizations) Vivek Katju, and brought up the Iran issue. Katju had no substantive response.

- - - Left Welcomes Tough MEA Statement But Wants More NEW DELHI 00001134 002 OF 003 - - -

6. (SBU) Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) Politburo member Brinda Karat raised the ""unsolicited advice"" from the U.S. April 23 during the Question Hour in Parliament's Rajya Sabha (upper house). ""Though the External Affairs Ministry has denounced the U.S. statement, it was not enough. The U.S. Ambassador should be summoned and India should register its strong displeasure on the issue,"" she demanded. ""The U.S. has been telling India to cooperate with it on the Iranian nuclear issue. This clearly proves that the U.S. considers India its junior partner. The U.S. cannot guide us on our foreign policy matters,"" she argued. Karat's Left colleagues and members of parties associated with the United National Progressive Alliance (UNPA), the loose grouping of regional parties not associated with either the Congress or BJP, supported her denunciation. While CPM leader Sitaram Yechury said that he appreciated the MEA's rebuff, he also called in Parliament for the government to summon the U.S. Ambassador ""over the interference from the self-appointed world policeman.""

7. (SBU) Elements of the Congress Party also expressed their approval of Ahmadinejad's visit. Deputy Home Minister Shakeel Ahmed, known as a close associate of Congress Party President Sonia Gandhi's advisor Ahmed Patel, told The Telegraph April 23 that ""we think India and Iran are two mature states...and can discuss things among themselves.""

- - - Mukherjee To Take the Nuclear Deal to Parliament - - -

8. (SBU) Mukherjee also announced April 23 that the UPA government will seek a ""sense of the House"" before completing the nuclear initiative. ""Before we go for its ratification in the American Parliament, we will come to Parliament to take the sense of the House even though there is no provision in the Constitution that stands in our way,"" he told reporters. ""If at that point of time, Parliament refuses to move the legislation, the international agreement will be of no use."" Mukherjee outlined that the government would seek the Parliament vote after obtaining IAEA Board approval of the safeguards agreement and an exception from the Nuclear Suppliers Group, but before ratification by the U.S. Congress. One commentator surmised that the legislation might come in the form of amendments to India's Atomic Energy Act that allow for private participation in India's nuclear sector.

9. (C) An Australian political officer expressed his concern about Mukherjee's formulation to poloff April 24. He worried that ""practical"" countries with strong nonproliferation interests, like Australia, Japan and Germany, would be reluctant to expend political capital to support an NSG exception if India has not demonstrated its own commitment. Why should NSG countries make the tough political decisions if the Indian government cannot, he wondered. Although he cautioned that he had not received guidance from Canberra, he admitted that his Ambassador, who has supported the nuclear initiative despite the Rudd government's misgivings, has serious questions about India's new sequencing.

- - - Comment: The UPA Lays the Groundwork for IAEA Submission - - -

10. (C) The visit by Ahmadinejad, sharp retorts to the anodyne U.S. statement, and the pledge to take the nuclear deal to Parliament could give the Left sufficient political cover to allow the UPA government to submit the safeguards agreement to the IAEA Board of Governors when they meet May 6 for the next UPA-Left committee meeting. Ahmadinejad's transit through Delhi will provide reassurance to the America-haters that India's foreign policy remains ""independent"" of the U.S. -- a message reinforced by the truculent MEA statement. Meanwhile, the promise of a ""sense of the House"" gives the Left the opportunity to veto the initiative further down the road, potentially allowing the UPA government to advance the deal one more inch forward. The UPA may have calculated that the later vote in Parliament NEW DELHI 00001134 003 OF 003 will help pressure NSG countries to draft a clean, non-controversial exception for India. If achieved, such simple NSG language would then put pressure on the Left to voice support in Parliament because China, among other NSG members, would have supported by consensus. The risk remains, however, that the Left may use domestic legislation to single out and ban nuclear cooperation with the U.S. specifically, but because such a move would irrevocably harm U.S.-India relations, we think that even the weak-willed Congress Party would resist such a move.

11. (C) While the MEA and Left remarks on Iran are egregious, they are likely mere tactics in the UPA's domestic political machinations. A sharp, public response by the U.S. will only inflame matters. The reality remains that India and Iran have a flimsy relationship, which the Congress Party has attempted to spin for the benefit of its Left allies and Muslim voters, who continue to deride India's two votes in the IAEA against Iran. If the Left finally allows the nuclear initiative to move forward May 6, the sound and fury over Iran might have a useful dimension.

12. (S/NF) Meanwhile, Embassy will register its protest of the MEA's offensive statement on Iran. We have offered a briefing to senior Indian officials on Iran's nuclear program, energy picture, domestic politics and relations with its neighbors that may shape their interaction with the visiting Iranian leader. That briefing is scheduled for April 27, two days before Ahmadinejad arrives in Delhi, and provides an opportunity to influence New Delhi's message to Tehran.

WHITE "

SIPDIS

NOFORN SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/21/2018 TAGS: PREL, PARM, TSPL, KNNP, ETTC, ENRG, TRGY, IN, IR

SUBJECT: INDIAN IRAN RETORT MIGHT LAY GROUNDWORK FOR NUCLEAR MOVEMENT

Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Steven White for Reasons 1.4 (B and D)

- - - Mukherjee Elaborates on India's Iran Stance - - -

- - - MEA Statement Reveals MEA Split on U.S. and Iran - - -

5. (C) Charge met April 24 with Additional Secretary (International Organizations) Vivek Katju, and brought up the Iran issue. Katju had no substantive response.

- - - Left Welcomes Tough MEA Statement But Wants More NEW DELHI 00001134 002 OF 003 - - -

- - - Mukherjee To Take the Nuclear Deal to Parliament - - -

- - - Comment: The UPA Lays the Groundwork for IAEA Submission - - -

WHITE "

Keywords: cable151154, The India Cables, cablegate, India Iran policy, nuclear disarmament, IAEA

Legacy of Dr. BR Ambedkar stands
irreconcilably opposed to Hindutva

By B.Sivaraman

cpiml.org
25 September, 2003

"Inequality is the soul of Hinduism," wrote Ambedkar. He characterized the oppressive caste system as the tyranny of Hinduism. After spending a lifetime in a crusade against the oppressive Hinduism, Ambedkar finally renounced Hinduism, and converted to Buddhism and exhorted his followers to do the same. It is an irony that BJP and other Sangh Parivar outfits are trying to appropriate such a historic personality as Dr. BR Ambedkar.

They have started unveiling Ambedkar photos and statues. Some Sangh ideologues have torn some quotations of BR Ambedkar on Islamic invasions out of context and misinterpreted them to fit Ambedkar in their own anti-Islamic framework. Vinay Katiyar took out an Ambedkar Yatra in UP. Mayawati unveiled a statue of Ambedkar's wife even though her party, the BSP, shamelessly betrayed the Ambedkar tradition by aligning with his arch ideological-political foes, the Hindutva brigade, in a coalition for the sake of power.

To attract dalits to its fold, the BJP made Bangaru Laxman its ornamental chief but he had to ignominiously bow down from office for accepting Tehelka cash bundles. But before his resignation he made a speech in the Nagpur session of the BJP National Council almost equating Ambedkar with Hedgewar. In fact, the actual history convincingly refutes the dirty tricks of the Sangh Parivar.

During the freedom movement, because of the failures and neglect of the Congress a few political streams arose independent of it. Because of the Congress neglect of Muslims and the influence of Hindu conservatism and Hindu dominance in Congress leadership, Muslims rallied independently under the Muslim League. For similar reasons, Sikhs also rallied under the Akali Dal. Brahminical upper caste forces dominated the Congress leadership and the party turned a blind eye to the aspirations of nationalities. In Tamil Nadu, Periyar EV Ramasamy fought against this, first through the anti-Brahmin movement and then went on to represent the nationality aspirations of Tamils.

It was Ambedkar who squarely put social reform on the agenda during the freedom struggle and launched a simultaneous movement against untouchability and the caste order that were the hallmarks of Hinduism, and championed the interests of dalits. In this he was far to the left of Gandhi. On the other hand, far to the right of Gandhian leadership there was first Hindu Mahasabha and later RSS streams, which often collaborated with the British and considered, with open hostility, even Gandhi too liberal. This hostility finally culminated in the assassination of Gandhi by an RSS man Nathuram Godse. Ambedkar was lifelong at loggerheads with the Hindu fundamentalists. Even in his Thoughts on Pakistan,(on which Katiyar's portrayal of him as an anti-Muslim Hindutva figure rests), he ruthlessly critiques the Hindu Mahasabha and Savarkar. He writes: "The Hindu nationalist who hopes that Britain will coerce the Muslims into abandoning Pakistan, forgets that the right of nationalism to freedom from an aggressive foreign imperialism and the right of a minority to freedom from an aggressive majority's nationalism are not two different things, nor does the former stand on a more sacred footing than the latter."(p.10-11) This clearly illustrates his criticism of aggressive mjorotarian nationalism. He furthercriticizes Savarkar, commenting that "strange as it may seem, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the two nations issue, are in complete agreement about it". But Ambedkar exposes Savarkar's authoritarian intent: " Mr. Savarkar wants the Hindu nation to be the dominant nation and the Muslim nation to be the subservient nation under it."

Such being the historical evolution of different political streams in India, it is clear that the legacy of Ambedkar and Hindu fundamentalism are irreconcilably hostile to each other. Hindutva forces today are trying to delink Ambedkar from his entire legacy, cover up their hostility towards him and try to appropriate him for electoral use.

The fundamental hostility of the Sangh Parivar against Ambedkar was clearly brought to the fore by the vile campaign unleashed against him by RSS ideologue and presently a BJP minister in Vajpayee's cabinet Arun Shourie through his book Worshipping False Gods. Shiv Sainiks, the soul mates of Hindutva forces, also launched a struggle against Ambedkar's book The Riddles of Hindusim. This is the actual record of Hindutava forces vis-à-vis the heritage of Ambedkar, which they are trying to hide now in order to appropriate his glorious image for their own vested interests.

Ambedkar was the architect of the constitution of India. Sangh Parivar is even opposed to the marginal secular and liberal features of this Constitution and that is why they have formed a committee to tinker with it.
While Ambedkar had total enmity towards Hindu Mahasabha and RSS and other Hindu fundamentalists, he was generally pro-left and, befitting a true democrat in a semi-feudal society, he had a positive attitude towards Marxism though it was unfortunate that the communists in those days failed in their united front tactics and failed to develop a proper relationship with Ambedkar. This was part of their general weakness and shortcomings in India.

The contrast between Ambedkar and Savarkar

Savarkar's strategy of dissolving more than 3,000 castes into one pan-Hindu identity involves pan-Hindu temples, pan-Hindu dinners, inter-caste marriages, anti-untouchability programmes and the removal of injunctions on caste-ridden vocations and sea-voyage. Thus, Savarkar seems to have admonished Hindus to break off the seven shackles that according to him hindered the progress of the Hindu society. Did this programme really denounce Hinduism? The answer to this question has to be in the negative because the anti-caste programme particularly relating to injunctions against inter-caste marriage and advocating vedic rights for the shudras and ati-shudras given by Savarkar did not have vigour and genuine thrust to attack the Hindu shastras and caste system.

Savarkar's contention regarding inter-caste marriages looked to be so casual that he offered only a qualified support to such marriages, thus replacing the need for creating any conscious motivation necessary for the radicalmobilisation of the people towards reaching the desired end. Similarly, Savarkar's attempt to grant the study of vedas and vedic rituals to non-Brahmins though apparently liberal may effectively lead to the Brahminisation of the non-Brahmin castes thus according legitimacy to Hindu shastras.

On the contrary, Ambedkar considers inter-caste marriages as the effective means for abolishing caste system. But Ambedkar is also aware that inter-caste dining or even inter-caste marriages are not enough to eliminate casteism. He was of the opinion that for realising the desired goal of casteless society through inter-caste marriages it is necessary to destroy the belief in the sanctity of Hindu shastras. And for destroying this belief, Ambedkar suggests that people should not only discard the shastras, but they should deny their authority as Buddha and Nanak did. Thus; it can be argued here that socially radical Ambedkar was very unlikely to be attracted by Savarkar whose proposal, according to one of the sincere Savarkarites, contained reformative zeal aimed at revival of Hinduism rather than its denunciation.
(From Appropriating Ambedkar by Gopal Guru,
Economic and Political Weekly, July 6-13, 1991)

Ambedkar was never a Marxist. He could not carry forward his struggle for thoroughgoing abolition of semi-feudalism and against imperialism through a democratic revolution like Mao did in China. He focused mainly on the petty bourgeois and bourgeois intelligentsia from the oppressed communities and worked largely within the system representing their interests in the form of reservation etc. Nevertheless, despite this limitation, he remained an outstanding bourgeois revolutionary democrat who was head and shoulders above many in the Congress leadership and was clearly far more radical than Gandhi.

In the course of his differences against the Congress, he never made any concession to the Hindu Right and always remained hostile to them.
Against Brahminical Hinduism During his boyhood Ambedkar had to suffer lots of personal humiliation due to untouchability. In Chowder Tank satyagraha led by Ambedkar in 1927, the upper caste Hindus attacked him and physically injured him. During the freedom movement Ambedkar emerged as the tallest leader of social reform in India.

Ambedkar asserted: "I was born a Hindu, but never will die a Hindu. What is required is to get rid of the doctrine of 'Chatuvarna'. That is the root cause of all inequality and is also the parent of the case system and untouchability, which are merely other forms of inequality". It is relevant to note here that while both Hedgewar and Golwalkar upheld Manu and thus rationalised the caste system inherent to the Hindu religion, Ambedkar even burnt copies of Manusmruti through a campaign. On December 25, 1927 Ambedkar observed a "Manu Smruti Dahan Din", and publicly burnt Manusmruti. The struggle was known as the "Maha-Sangharsha" of Mahad Satyagraha, and it is an important milestone in dalit struggle against Brahmanism and Brahminical Hinduism. Manuvadis had comspired so that Ambedkar did not get a ground for the meeting, but a Muslim gentleman, Mr. Fattekhan, gave his private land to observe this protest. There was a strong reaction in the Brahmanical press, Babasahib was called"Bheemaasura" by one paper. Dr. Ambedkar justified the burning of Manusmruti in various articles.

Ambedkar made a scathing attack on Hinduism: "I tell you, religion is for man and not man for religion. If you want to organise, consolidate and be successful in this world, change this religion. The religion that does not recognise you as a human being, or give you water to drink, or allow you to enter temples is not worthy to be called a religion. The religion that forbids you to receive education and comes in the way of your material advancement is not worthy of the appellation 'religion'. The religion that does not teach its followers to show humanity in dealing with its co-religionists is nothing but a display of a force. The religion that teaches its followers to suffer the touch of animals but not the touch of human beings is not a religion but a mockery. The religion that compels the ignorant to be ignorant and the poor to be poor is not a religion but a visitation!"

He added this on the upper castes: "It is your claim to equality which hurts them. They want to maintain the status quo. If you continue to accept your lowly status ungrudgingly, continue to remain dirty, filthy, backward, ignorant, poor and disunited, they will allow you to live in peace. The moment you start to raise your level, the conflict starts. Untouchability is not a transitory or temporary feature; it is eternal, it is lasting. Frankly it can be said that the struggle between the Hindus and the Untouchables is a never-ending conflict. It is eternal because the religion which assigns you the lowest status in society is itself divine and eternal according to the belief of the so-called high caste Hindus. No change warranted by change of time and circumstances is possible." Such being the views of Ambedkar, those who offer political patronage to outfits like Ranvir Sena can have no claim over Ambedkar.
The ideologues of Hindutva are trying to rationalise caste system saying that it is a division of labour. Ambedkar refuted this saying, "Caste System is not merely a division of labour. It is also a division of labourers. It is an hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other." While the Hindutva brigade is known for defending Manu and the caste system, Ambedkar made a trenchant criticism of the caste system associated with Hinduism: "There cannot be a more degrading system of social organisation than the Chaturvarna. It is the system which deadens, paralyses and cripples the people from helpful activity." He further added, "Caste in the hands of the orthodox has been a powerful weapon for persecuting the reforms and for killing all reform." Relating the inseparable relation between caste system and Hinduism, Ambedkar wrote, "Hinduism is a veritable chamber of horrors. The sanctity and infallibility of the Vedas, Smritis and Shastras, the iron law of
caste, the heartless law of karma and the senseless law of status by birth are to the untouchables veritable instruments of torture which Hinduism has forged against untouchables."

In Buddha and His Dhamma, Ambedkar has enumerated the evils of Hinduism in the following manner: 1) It has deprived moral life of freedom; 2) It has only emphasized conformity to commands; and 3) The laws are unjust because they are not the same for one class as of another. Besides, the code is treated as final. According to Ambedkar, "what is called religion by Hindus is nothing but a multitude of commands and prohibitions." The Sangh Parivar is out to make this code the official code in India under their scheme of authoritarian Hindu rashtra.

Sensing the alienation of dalits, many people, from Savarkar to Gandhi, made token gestures against casteism. The RSS was also forced to come out with some tokenist pronouncements. But Ambedkar put things in the right perspective by saying, "Caste cannot be abolished by inter-caste dinners or stray instances of inter caste marriages. Caste is a state of mind. It is a disease of mind. The teachings of the Hindu religion are the root cause of this disease. We practice casteism and we observe untouchability because we are enjoined to do so by the Hindu religion. A bitter thing cannot be made sweet. The taste of anything can be changed. But poison cannot be changed into nectar."

Ambedkar even made a sarcastic comment against Gandhi: "There have been many mahatmas in India whose sole object was to remove untouchability and to elevate and absorb the depressed classes, but everyone has failed in their mission. Mahatmas have come, mahatmas have gone but the untouchables have remained as untouchables." Ambedkar told dalits that, "You must abolish your slavery yourselves. Do not depend for its abolition upon god or a superman. Remember that it is not enough that a people are numerically in the majority. They must be always watchful, strong and self-respecting to attain and maintain success. We must shape our course ourselves and by ourselves." He further stressed that, "What you have lost others have gained. Your humiliations are a matter of pride with others. You are made to suffer wants, privations and humiliations not because it was pre-ordained by the sins committed in your previous birth, but because of the overpowering tyranny and treachery of those who are
above you. You have no lands because others have usurped them; you have no posts because others have monopolised them. Do not believe in fate; believe in your strength."

It may be recalled that Advani recently raised a controversy over a Buddhist symbol like Ashoka chakra figuring in the national flag and a Buddhist symbol being the national emblem. Regarding their origin Ambedkar explained, "Even though Buddhism is almost extinct in India, yet it has given birth to a culture, which is far better and richer than the Brahminic culture. When the question of the national flag and the national emblem was being considered by the Constituent Assembly we could not find any suitable symbol from the Brahminic culture. Ultimately, the Buddhist culture came to our rescue and we accepted the Wheel of Law (Dhamma-Chakra) as the national symbol." No wonder, a Brahminical high-priest of Hindutva like Advani wanted to do away with these symbols introduced by Ambedkar and his colleagues.

In his slanderous campaign against Ambedkar, the RSS ideologue Arun Shourie questioned the patriotism of Ambedkar. Ambedkar, however, defined patriotism thus, "I do not want that our loyalty as Indians should be in the slightest way affected by any competitive loyalty whether that loyalty arises out of our religion, out of our culture or out of our language. I want all people to be Indians first, Indian last and nothing else but Indians." And despite all his differences with the Congress, Ambedkar remained a staunch nationalist.
For Ambedkar, the conception of a secular state is derived from the liberal democratic tradition of the West.

In contrast to the Gandhian misinterpretation of secularism as 'sarva dharma samabhava', Ambedkar said, "No institution, which is maintained wholly out of state funds, shall be used for the purpose of religious instruction irrespective of the question whether the religious instruction is given by the state or by any other body". He further explained the corruption of the concept of secularism in India, "This country has seen the conflict between ecclesiastical law and secular law long before Europeans sought to challenge the authority of the Pope. Kautilya's Arthshastra lays down the foundation of secular law. In India unfortunately ecclesiastical law triumphed over secular law. In my opinion this was the one of the greatest disasters in the country."

Ambedkar effectively punctured the false supremacy of the narrow Brahminical elite: "In every country the intellectual class is the most influential class. This is the class which can foresee, advise and lead. In no country does the mass of the people live the life for intelligent thought and action. It is largely imitative and follows the intellectual class. There is no exaggeration in saying that the entire destination of the country depends upon its intellectual class. If the intellectual class is honest and independent, it can be trusted to take the initiative and give a proper lead when a crisis arises. It is true that the intellect by itself is no virtue. It is only a means and the use of a means depends upon the ends which an intellectual person pursues. An intellectual man can be a good man but he may easily be a rogue. Similarly an intellectual class may be a band of high-souled persons, ready to help, ready to emancipate erring humanity or it may easily be a gang of crooksor a body of advocates of narrow clique from which it draws its support."

Though changing one's religion through conversion is not going to abolish the semi-feudal inequalities, Ambedkar's decision to convert to Buddhism in the evening of his life - just a couple of months before his demise on 16 December 1956 - only underlined his disgust and bitterness with the highly iniquitous Hinduism. About 2 lakh dalits converted to Buddhism along with him in October 1956. Since then neo-Buddhism has remained a trend. This clearly rattled the Hindutva bosses who are clamouring for anti-conversion legislation in every state.

A thorough democrat

Though Ambedkar headed the committee that crafted the Constitution of the democratic republic of India, he was never fully satisfied with the democracy which came to be established in India. In his opinion, "A democratic form of government presupposes a democratic form of a society. The formal framework of democracy is of no value and would indeed be a misfit if there was no social democracy. It may not be necessary for a democratic society to be marked by unity, by community of purpose, by loyalty to public ends and by mutuality of sympathy. But it does unmistakably involve two things. The first is an attitude of mind, and attitude of respect and equality towards their fellows. The second is a social organisation free from rigid social barriers. Democracy is incompatible and inconsistent with isolation and exclusiveness resulting in the distinction between the privileged and the unprivileged." "Democracy is not a form of government, but a form of social organisation", he asserted.

He further elaborated, "What we must do is not to content ourselves with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there is at the base of it, a social democracy."

Ambedkar underlined the limitations of formal law and Constitution: "The prevalent view is that once the rights are enacted in law then they are safeguarded. This again is an unwarranted assumption. As experience proves, rights are protected not by law but by social and moral conscience of the society. If social conscience is such that it is prepared to recognise the rights which law proposes to enact, rights will be safe and secure. But if the fundamental rights are opposed by the community, no law, no parliament, no judiciary can guarantee them in the real sense of the world. What is the use of fundamental rights to the untouchables in India?" "If I find the constitution being misused, I shall be the first to burn it," he declared.

Ambedkar also had certain premonitions about the rise of authoritarian forces in India which is coming true before our eyes: "On the 26th January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognising the principle of one-man-one-vote and one-vote-one-value. In our social and economic life, we shall by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one-man-one-value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril". The Sangh Parivar outfits rally tribals and dalits only to use them to attack Christian missionaries as witnessed in Orissa or to launch pogroms against Muslims as seen in Gujarat, and thereby endanger democracy. To
frustrate the designs of the Sangh Parivar it is necessary that today communists and genuine Ambedkarites should come together to defend democracy from communal fascists, a democracy to establish which Ambedkar fought so hard.
In his last days, Ambedkar raised a note of warning: "The point is that India once lost the independence she had. Will she lose it a second time? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by treachery of some of her own people...Will history repeat itself? It is this thought which fills me with anxiety. . Will Indians place the country above their creed or creed above their country? I do not know, But this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost forever. This eventuality we all must resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood!" The rise of Hindutva forces who totally cringe before the US imperialism but at the same time are bent upon establishing a fascistic Hindu rashtra has proved how correct this warning was. As Ambedkar called upon us, we must defend this freedom and democracy with the last drop of our blood.

http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-sivaraman250903.htm

B. R. Ambedkar

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
Ambedkar delivering a speech to a rally at Yeola, Nashik, on 13 October 1935
Born	April 14, 1891 Mhow, Central Provinces, British India(now in Madhya Pradesh)
Died	December 6, 1956 (aged 65) Delhi, India
Nationality	Indian
Other names	Baba, Baba Saheb , Bhima , Mooknayak
Education	M.A.,PH.D.,D.Sc.,LL.D.,D.LITT.,BARRISTER-AT-LAW
Alma mater	University of Mumbai Columbia University University of London London School of Economics
Organization	Samata Sainik Dal, Independent Labour Party, Scheduled Castes Federation,Buddhist Society Of India
Title	1^st Law Minister of India, Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee
Political party	Republican Party of India
Political movement	Ambedkar(ite) Buddhism
Religion	Buddhism
Spouse	Ramabai Ambedkar (m. 1906) , Savita Ambedkar (m. 1948)
Awards	Bharat Ratna (1990)

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (Marathi: डॉ.भीमराव रामजी आंबेडकर [bʱiːmraːw raːmdʑiː aːmbeːɽkər]; 14 April 1891 — 6 December 1956), also known as Babasaheb, was anIndian jurist, political leader, Buddhist activist, philosopher, thinker, anthropologist,historian, orator, prolific writer, economist, scholar, editor, revolutionary and a revivalist for Buddhism in India. He was also the chief architect of the Indian Constitution. Born into a poor Mahar (then considered an Untouchable caste) family, Ambedkar spent his whole life fighting against social discrimination, the system of Chaturvarna — the categorization of Hindu society into four varnas — and the Hindu caste system. He is also credited with providing a spark for the conversion of hundreds of thousands of untouchables to Theravada Buddhism. Ambedkar was posthumously awarded theBharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award, in 1990.

Overcoming numerous social and financial obstacles, Ambedkar became one of the first so called "Outcasts" to obtain a college education in India. Eventually earning law degrees and multiple doctorates for his study and research in law, economics and political science from Columbia University and the London School of Economics, Ambedkar gained a reputation as a scholar and practiced law for a few years, later campaigning by publishing journals advocating political rights and social freedom for India's so-called untouchables. He is regarded as a Bodhisattva by some Indian Buddhists, though he never claimed himself to be a Bodhisattva.^[1]

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[edit]Early life and Education

‎Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar seen as a young man^[2]

Ambedkar was born in the British-founded town and military cantonment of Mhow in the Central Provinces (now in Madhya Pradesh).^[3] He was the 14th and last child of Ramji Maloji Sakpal and Bhimabai.^[4] His family was of Marathi background from the town of Ambavade in theRatnagiri district of modern-day Maharashtra. They belonged to the Hindu, Mahar caste, who were treated as untouchables and subjected to intense socio-economic discrimination. Ambedkar's ancestors had for long been in the employment of the army of the British East India Company, and his father Ramji Sakpal served in the Indian Army at the Mhow cantonment. He had received a degree of formal education in Marathi and English, and encouraged his children to learn and work hard at school.

Belonging to the Kabir Panth, Ramji Sakpal encouraged his children to read the Hindu classics. He used his position in the army to lobby for his children to study at the government school, as they faced resistance owing to their caste. Although able to attend school, Ambedkar and other untouchable children were segregated and given no attention or assistance by the teachers. They were not allowed to sit inside the class. Even if they needed to drink water somebody from a higher caste would have to pour that water from a height as they were not allowed to touch either the water or the vessel that contained it. This task was usually performed for the young Ambedkar by the school peon, and if the peon was not available then he had to go without water, Ambedkar states this situation as "No peon, No Water".^[5] Ramji Sakpal retired in 1894 and the family moved to Satara two years later. Shortly after their move, Ambedkar's mother died. The children were cared for by their paternal aunt, and lived in difficult circumstances. Only three sons — Balaram, Anandrao and Bhimrao — and two daughters — Manjula and Tulasa — of the Ambedkars would go on to survive them. Of his brothers and sisters, only Ambedkar succeeded in passing his examinations and graduating to a higher school. Bhimrao Sakpal Ambavadekar the surname comes from his native village 'Ambavade' in Ratnagiri District.^[6] His Bhramin teacher Mahadev Ambedkar who was so much fond of him, has changed his surname from 'Ambavadekar' to his own surname 'Ambedkar' in school records.^[6]

[edit]Higher Education

Ambaedkar remarried in 1898, and the family moved to Mumbai (then Bombay), where Ambedkar became the first untouchable student at the Government High School near Elphinstone Road.^[7] Although excelling in his studies, Ambedkar was increasingly disturbed by the segregation and discrimination that he faced. In 1907, he passed his matriculation examination and entered the University of Bombay, becoming one of the first persons of untouchable origin to enter a college in India. This success provoked celebrations in his community, and after a public ceremony he was presented with a biography of the Buddha by his teacher Krishnaji Arjun Keluskar also known as Dada Keluskar, a Maratha caste scholar. Ambedkar's marriage had been arranged the previous year as per Hindu custom, to Ramabai, a nine-year old girl from Dapoli.^[7] In 1908, he entered Elphinstone College and obtained a scholarship of twenty five rupees a month from the Gayakwadruler of Baroda, Sahyaji Rao III. By 1912, he obtained his degree in economics and political science from Bombay University, and prepared to take up employment with the Baroda state government. His wife gave birth to his first son, Yashwant, in the same year. Ambedkar had just moved his young family and started work, when he dashed back to Mumbai to see his ailing father, who died on February 2, 1913.

In 1913 he received Baroda State Scholarship of 11.50 British pounds a month for three years to join the Political Department of the Columbia University as a Post Graduate Student. In New York he stayed at Livingston Hall with his friend Naval Bhathena, a Parsi; the two remained friends for life. He used to sit for hours studying in Low Library. He passed his M.A. exam in June 1913, majoring in Economics, with Sociology, History, Philosophy, and Anthropology as other subjects of study; he presented a Thesis,"Ancient Indian Commerce". In 1916 he offered another M.A. thesis, "National Dividend of India-A Historic and Analytical Study". On May 9, he read his paper Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development" before a seminar conducted by the anthropologist prof. Alexander Goldenweiser. In October 1916 he was admitted to Gray's Inn for Law, and to the London School of Economics and Political Science for Economics where he started work on a Doctoral thesis. In 1917 June he was obliged to go back to India as the term of his scholarship from Baroda ended, however he was given permission to return and submit his thesis within four years. He sent his precious and much-loved collection of books back on a steamer, but it was torpedoed and sunk by a German submarine.

As a leading Indian scholar, Ambedkar had been invited to testify before the Southborough Committee, which was preparing the Government of India Act 1919. At this hearing, Ambedkar argued for creating separate electoratesand reservations for untouchables and other religious communities. In 1920, he began the publication of the weekly Mooknayak (Leader of the Silent) in Mumbai with the help of Shahu I (1884–1922), Maharaja of Kolhapur. Ambedkar used this journal to criticize orthodox Hindu politicians and a perceived reluctance of the Indian political community to fight caste discrimination. His speech at a Depressed Classes Conference in Kolhapur impressed the local state ruler Shahu IV, who described Ambedkar as the future national leader and shocked orthodox society by dining with Ambekdar. Having resigned from his teaching position, in July he returned to London, relying on his own savings, supplemented by loans from the Maharaja of Kolhapur and his friend Naval Bhathena. He returned to the London School of Economics, and to Gray's Inn to read for the Bar. He lived in poverty, and studied constantly in the British Museum. In 1922 through unremitting hard work, Ambedkar once again overfulfilled all expectations: he completed a thesis for a M.Sc. (Econonics) degree at London School of Economics, and was called to the bar, and submitted a Ph.D. thesis in economics to the University of London. Ambedkar established a successful legal practice. Early on his legal career, Ambedkar was engaged in a very important lawsuit file by some Brahmins against three non-Bhramin leaders K.B.Bagde, Keshavrao Jedhe and Dinkarrao Javalkar. They were being prosecuted for writing a pamphlet that Brahmins had ruined India. On the prosecution side was L.B.Bhopatkar, a great lawyer from Poona, Ambedkar argued his case very ably, put up a very eloquent defence and won the case in October 1926. The victory was resounding, both socially and individually for the clients.^{[citation needed]}

[edit]Missions

While practicing law in the Bombay High Court he ran head long in to uplift the untouchable to educate them. To achieve these goals his first organizational attempt was the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha. An organisation to promote education ,socio-economic uplifting and for welfare of "outcastes" or the depressed classes.

By 1927 Ambedkar decided to launch active movements against untouchability. He began with public movements and marches to open up and share public drinking water resources, also he began a struggle for the right to enter Hindu temples. He led a satyagraha in Mahad to fight for the right of the untouchable community to draw water from the main water tank of the town.

He was appointed to the Bombay Presidency Committee to work with the all-European Simon Commission in 1925. This commission had sparked great protests across India, and while its report was ignored by most Indians, Ambedkar himself wrote a separate set of recommendations for future constitutional recommendations.

[edit]Poona Pact

Due to Ambedkar's prominence and popular support amongst the untouchable community, he was invited to attend the Second Round Table Conference in London in 1932.^{[citation needed]} Gandhi fiercely opposed separate electorate for untouchables, though he accepted separate electorate for all other minority groups such as Muslims and Sikhs, saying he feared that separate electorates for untouchables would divide Hindu society for future generations.

When the British agreed with Ambedkar and announced the awarding of separate electorates, Gandhi began a fast-unto-death while imprisoned in the Yerwada Central Jail of Pune in 1932 against the separate electorate for untouchables only. Gandhi asked for the political unity of Hindus. Gandhi's fast provoked great public support across India, and orthodox Hindu leaders, Congress politicians and activists such as Madan Mohan Malaviya and Palwankar Baloo organized joint meetings with Ambedkar and his supporters at Yeravada. Fearing a communal reprisal and killings of untouchables in the event of Gandhi's death, Ambedkar agreed under massive coercion from the supporters of Gandhi. This agreement, which saw Gandhi end his fast, was called the Poona Pact. As a result of the agreement, Ambdekar dropped the demand for separate electorates that was promised through the British Communal Award prior to Ambedkar's meeting with Gandhi. Instead, a certain number of seats were reserved specifically for untouchables (in the agreement, called the "Depressed Class").

[edit]Political career

In 1935, Ambedkar was appointed principal of the Government Law College, Mumbai, a position he held for two years. Settling in Mumbai, Ambedkar oversaw the construction of a house, and stocked his personal library with more than 50,000 books.^[8] His wife Ramabai died after a long illness in the same year. It had been her long-standing wish to go on a pilgrimage to Pandharpur, but Ambedkar had refused to let her go, telling her that he would create a new Pandharpur for her instead of Hinduism's Pandharpur which treated them as untouchables. Speaking at the Yeola Conversion Conference on October 13 near Nasik, Ambedkar announced his intention to convert to a different religion and exhorted his followers to leave Hinduism.^[8] He would repeat his message at numerous public meetings across India

In 1936, Ambedkar founded the Independent Labour Party, which won 15 seats in the 1937 elections to the Central Legislative Assembly. He published his book The Annihilation of Caste in the same year, based on the thesis he had written in New York. Attaining immense popular success, Ambedkar's work strongly criticized Hindu orthodox religious leaders and the caste system in general. Ambedkar served on the Defence Advisory Committee and the Viceroy's Executive Council as minister for labour. With What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, Ambedkar intensified his attacks on Gandhi and the Congress, hypocrisy.^[9] In his work Who Were the Shudras?, Ambedkar attempted to explain the formation of the Shudras i.e. the lowest caste in hierarchy of Hindu caste system. He also emphasised how Shudras are separate from Untouchables. Ambedkar oversaw the transformation of his political party into the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, although it performed poorly in the elections held in 1946 for the Constituent Assembly of India. In writing a sequel to Who Were the Shudras? in 1948, Ambedkar lambasted Hinduism in The Untouchables: A Thesis on the Origins of Untouchability:

The Hindu Civilisation.... is a diabolical contrivance to suppress and enslave humanity. Its proper name would be infamy. What else can be said of a civilisation which has produced a mass of people.... who are treated as an entity beyond human intercourse and whose mere touch is enough to cause pollution?

^[9]

[edit]Pakistan or The Partition of India

Between 1941 and 1945, he published a number of books and pamphlets, including Thoughts on Pakistan, in which he criticized the Muslim League's demand for a separate Muslim state of Pakistan but considered its concession if Muslims demanded so as expedient.^[10]

In the above book Ambedkar wrote a sub-chapter titled If Muslims truly and deeply desire Pakistan, their choice ought to be accepted. He wrote that if the Muslims are bent on Pakistan, then it must be conceded to them. He asked whether Muslims in the army could be trusted to defend India. In the event of Muslims invading India or in the case of a Muslim rebellion, with whom would the Indian Muslims in the army side? He concluded that, in the interests of the safety of India, Pakistan should be acceded to, should the Muslims demand it. According to Ambedkar, the Hindu assumption that though Hindus and Muslims were two nations, they could live together under one state, was but an empty sermon, a mad project, to which no sane man would agree.^[10]

Ambedkar was also critical of Islam and its practices in South Asia. While justifying the Partition of India, he condemned the practice of child marriage in Muslim society, as well as the mistreatment of women. He said,

No words can adequately express the great and many evils of polygamy and concubinage, and especially as a source of misery to a Muslim woman. Take the caste system. Everybody infers that Islam must be free from slavery and caste.[While slavery existed], much of its support was derived from Islam and Islamic countries. While the prescriptions by the Prophet regarding the just and humane treatment of slaves contained in the Koran are praiseworthy, there is nothing whatever in Islam that lends support to the abolition of this curse. But if slavery has gone, caste among Musalmans [Muslims] has remained.^[10]

He wrote that Muslim society is "even more full of social evils than Hindu Society is" and criticized Muslims for sugarcoating their sectarian caste system with euphemisms like "brotherhood". He also criticized the discrimination against the Arzal classes among Muslims who were regarded as "degraded", as well as the oppression of women in Muslim society through the oppressive purdah system. He alleged that while Purdah was also practiced by Hindus, only among Muslims was it sanctioned by religion. He criticized their fanaticism regarding Islam on the grounds that their literalist interpretations of Islamic doctrine made their society very rigid and impermeable to change. He further wrote that Indian Muslims have failed to reform their society unlike Muslims in other countries like Turkey.^[10]

In a "communal malaise", both groups Hindus and Muslims ignore the urgent claims of social justice.^[10]

[edit]Father of India's Constitution

"Ambedkar at his desk" (an art piece) at Ambedkar Museum in Pune

Upon India's independence on August 15, 1947, the new Congress-led government invited Ambedkar to serve as the nation's first law minister, which he accepted. On August 29, Ambedkar was appointed Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee, charged by the Assembly to write free India's new Constitution. Ambedkar won great praise from his colleagues and contemporary observers for his drafting work. In this task Ambedkar's study of sangha practice among early Buddhists and his extensive reading in Buddhist scriptures were to come to his aid. Sangha practice incorporated voting by ballot, rules of debate and precedence and the use of agendas, committees and proposals to conduct business. Sangha practice itself was modelled on the oligarchic system of governance followed by tribal republics of ancient India such as the Shakyas and the Lichchavis. Thus, although Ambedkar used Western models to give his Constitution shape, its spirit was Indian and, indeed, tribal.

Granville Austin has described the Indian Constitution drafted by Dr Ambedkar as 'first and foremost a social document.' ... 'The majority of India's constitutional provisions are either directly arrived at furthering the aim of social revolution or attempt to foster this revolution by establishing conditions necessary for its achievement.'

The text prepared by Ambedkar provided constitutional guarantees and protections for a wide range of civil liberties for individual citizens, including freedom of religion, the abolition of untouchability and the outlawing of all forms of discrimination Ambedkar argued for extensive economic and social rights for women, and also won the Assembly's support for introducing a system of reservations of jobs in the civil services, schools and colleges for members of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, a system akin to affirmative action. India's lawmakers hoped to eradicate the socio-economic inequalities and lack of opportunities for India's depressed classes through this measure, which had been originally envisioned as temporary on a need basis. The Constitution was adopted on November 26, 1949 by the Constituent Assembly.

Ambedkar resigned from the cabinet in 1951 following the stalling in parliament of his draft of the Hindu Code Bill, which sought to expound gender equality in the laws of inheritance, marriage and the economy. Although supported by Prime Minister Nehru, the cabinet and many other Congress leaders, it received criticism from a large number of members of parliament. Ambedkar independently contested an election in 1952 to the lower house of parliament, the Lok Sabha, but was defeated. He was appointed to the upper house, of parliament, the Rajya Sabha in March 1952 and would remain a member until his death.

[edit]Conversion to Buddhism

As a student of anthropology Ambedkar made a remarkable discovery that the Mahar people are originally ancient Buddhist people of India. They have been forced outside a village to live like an outcast as they refused to leave Buddhist practices and eventually they were made into untouchables. He wrote a scholarly book on this topic, entitled, Who were Sudras? How they became Untouchables.

Dikshabhumi, a Stupa at the site where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism along with many of his followers

Ambedkar studied Buddhism all his life, and around 1950s, Ambedkar turned his attention fully toBuddhism and travelled to Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) to attend a convention of Buddhist scholars and monks. While dedicating a new Buddhist vihara near Pune, Ambedkar announced that he was writing a book on Buddhism, and that as soon as it was finished, he planned to make a formal conversion back to Buddhism.^[11] Ambedkar twice visited Burma in 1954; the second time in order to attend the third conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Rangoon. In 1955, he founded the Bharatiya Bauddha Mahasabha, or the Buddhist Society of India. He completed his final work, The Buddha and His Dhamma, in 1956. It was published posthumously.

After meetings with the Sri Lankan Buddhist monk Hammalawa Saddhatissa,^[12] Ambedkar organised a formal public ceremony for himself and his supporters in Nagpur on October 14, 1956. Accepting theThree Refuges and Five Precepts from a Buddhist monk in the traditional manner, Ambedkar completed his own conversion. He then proceeded to convert an large number (some 500,000) of his supporters who were gathered around him.^[11] He prescribed the 22 Vows for these converts, after the Three Jewels and Five Precepts. He then traveled to Kathmandu in Nepal to attend the Fourth World Buddhist Conference. His work on The Buddha or Karl Marx and "Revolution and counter-revolution in ancient India" (which was necessary for understanding his book "The Buddha and his dhamma")remained incomplete.

[edit]Death

Bust of Ambedkar at Ambedkar Museum in Pune

Since 1948, Ambedkar had been suffering from diabetes. He was bed-ridden from June to October in 1954 owing to clinical depression and failing eyesight.^[11] He had been increasingly embittered by political issues, which took a toll on his health. His health worsened as he furiously worked through 1955. Just three days after completing his final manuscript The Buddha and His Dhamma, it is said that Ambedkar died in his sleep on December 6, 1956 at his home in Delhi.

A Buddhist-style cremation was organised for him at Dadar Chowpatty beach on December 7, attended by hundreds of thousands of supporters, activists and admirers. A conversion program was supposed to be organised on 16 December 1956. So, those who had attended cremation function also got converted to buddhism at same place.

Ambedkar was survived by his second wife Savita Ambedkar and converted to Buddhism with him. His wife's name before marriage was Sharda Kabir. Savita Ambedkar died as a Buddhist in 2002.His Son Yashwant [Known as Bhaiyasaheb Ambedkar] and daughter-in-law Meetatai Ambedkar is working as National prisident of Bhartiya Baudh Mahasabha and Ambedkar's grandson, Prakash Yaswant Ambedkar leads the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha and has served in both houses of the Indian Parliament.

A number of unfinished typescripts and handwritten drafts were found among Ambedkar's notes and papers and gradually made available. Among these were Waiting for a Visa, which probably dates from 1935–36 and is an autobiographical work, and the Untouchables, or the Children of India's Ghetto, which refers to the census of 1951.^[11]

A memorial for Ambedkar was established in his Delhi house at 26 Alipur Road. His birthdate is celebrated as a public holiday known asAmbedkar Jayanti or Bhim Jayanti. He was posthumously awarded India's highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna in 1990. Many public institutions are named in his honour, such as the Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Open University in Hyderabad; Dr BR Ambedkar University in Srikakulam, Andhra Pradesh; B. R. Ambedkar Bihar University, Muzaffarpur and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar National Institute of Technology, Jalandhar. The other being Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar International Airport in Nagpur, which was otherwise known as Sonegaon Airport. A large official portrait of Ambedkar is on display in the Indian Parliament building.

On the anniversary of his birth (14 April) and death (6 December) and on Dhamma Chakra Pravartan Din, 14th Oct at Nagpur, at least half a million people gather to pay homage to him at his memorial in Mumbai. Thousands of bookshops are set up, and books are sold. His message to his followers was " Educate!!!, Agitate!!!, Organize!!!".

[edit]Writings and speeches

The Education Department, Government of Maharastra(Bombay) Published the Collection of Ambedkar's writings and speeches in different volumes.^[13]

Volume No.	Description
vol. 1.	Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development and 11 other essays
vol. 2.	Dr Ambedkar in the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences, 1927–1939
vol. 3.	Philosophy of Hinduism ; India and the pre-requisites of communism ; Revolution and counter-revolution ;Buddha or Karl Marx
vol. 4.	Riddles in Hinduism ^[14]
vol. 5.	Essays on untouchables and un-touchability
vol. 6.	The evolution of provincial finance in British India
vol. 7.	Who were the shudras? ; The untouchables
vol. 8.	Pakistan or the partition of India
vol. 9.	What Congress and Gandhi have done to the untouchables ; Mr. Gandhi and the emancipitation of the untouchables
vol. 10.	Dr. Ambedkar as member of the Governor General's Executive Council, 1942–46
vol. 11.	The Buddha and his Dhamma
vol. 12.	Unpublished writings ; Ancient Indian commerce ; Notes on laws ; Waiting for a Visa ; Miscellaneous notes, etc.
vol. 13.	Dr. Ambedkar as the principal architect of the Constitution of India
vol. 14.	(2 parts) Dr.Ambedkar and The Hindu Code Bill
vol. 15.	Dr. Ambedkar as free India's first Law Minister and member of opposition in Indian Parliament (1947–1956)
vol. 16.	Dr. Ambedkar's The Pali grammar
vol. 17	(Part I) Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Struggle for Human Rights. Events starting from March 1927 to 17 November 1956 in the chronological order
	(Part II) Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Socio-political and religious activities. Events starting from November 1929 to 8 May 1956 in the chronological order
	(Part III) Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Speeches. Events starting from 1 January to 20 November 1956 in the chronological order
vol. 18	(3 parts) Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's Speeches and writing in Marathi
vol. 19	Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's Speeches and writing in Marathi
vol. 20	Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's Speeches and writing in Marathi
vol. 21	Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's Photo Album and correspondence.

[edit]Criticism and legacy

This section may contain original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. More details may be available on the talk page. (September 2007)

Ambedkar's legacy as a socio-political reformer, had a deep effect on modern India. In post-Independence India his socio-political thought has acquired respect across the political spectrum. His initiatives have influenced various spheres of life and transformed the way India today looks at socio-economic policies, education and affirmative action through socio-economic and legal incentives. His reputation as a scholar led to his appointment as free India's first law minister, and chairman of the committee responsible to draft a constitution. He passionately believed in the freedom of the individual and criticised equally both orthodox casteist Hindu society. His condemnation of Hinduism and its foundation of caste system, made him controversial, although his conversion to Buddhism sparked a revival in interest in Buddhist philosophy in India and abroad.

Ambedkar's political philosophy has given rise to a large number of Dalit political parties, publications and workers' unions that remain active across India, especially in Maharashtra. His promotion of the Dalit Buddhist movement has rejuvenated interest in Buddhist philosophy in many parts of India. Mass conversion ceremonies have been organized by Dalit activists in modern times, emulating Ambedkar's Nagpur ceremony of 1956.

Some scholars, including some from the affected castes, took the view that the British were more even-handed between castes, and that continuance of British rule would have helped to eradicate many evil practices. This political opinion was shared by quite a number of social activists including Jyotirao Phule.

Some, in modern India, question the continued institution of reservations initiated by Ambedkar as outdated and anti-meritocratic. However, such arguments have always been dismissed by the Dalit masses. They express that the opposition of Caste-based reservations in India, primarily comes from the antagonism rooted in the Hindu society towards the Dalits. And, that the Caste-based reservations in India, in fact,have become the uplifting of Dalits in the post-colonial period.

Outside India, at the end of the 1990s, some Hungarian Romani people drew parallels between their own situation and the situation of the Dalits in India. Inspired by Ambedkar's approach, they started to convert to Buddhism.^[15]

[edit]In popular culture

Dr. Ambedkar's very name became a sign of victory of the down-trodden and long-exploited. Jai Bhim, i.e. Victory to Bhim has become a greeting phrase of the Buddhists all over in India.^[16]

Several movies, plays, and literary forms are made based on his life and teachings. Jabbar Patel directed the English-language movie (also dubbed in Hindi and other Indian languages) Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar ^[17] about the life of Ambedkar, released in 2000, starring the Indian actor Mammootty as Ambedkar. Sponsored by India's National Film Development Corporation and the Ministry of Social Justice, the film was released after a long and controversial gestation period. Mammootty won the National Film Award for Best Actor for the role of Ambedkar, which he portrayed in this film.

Dr. David Blundell, professor of anthropology at UCLA and Historical Ethnographer, has established [2] a long-term project - a series of films and events that are intended to stimulate interest and knowledge about the social and welfare conditions in India. Arising Light is a film on the life on Dr B. R. Ambedkar and social welfare in India.

Ambedkar Aur Gandhi, directed by Arvind Gaur and written by Rajesh Kumar, play tracks two prominent personalities of history — Mahatma Gandhi and Bhimraao Ambedkar.^[18]

Ramji, his father desired that Bhimrao learn Sanskrit when he was a young student and Bhimrao enrolled for studying Sanskrit in his School, Elphinstone High School, Mumbai. But he was denied such lessons as he was a dalit. Having come to know of this, an 84 year old vedic scholar from Pune, Prabhakar Joshi, started writing a biography of Dr B.R. Ambedkar in Sanskrit, in 2004. Joshi is a recipient of Maharashtra Government's "Mahakavi Kalidas" award. Battling his glaucoma and with age advancing, Joshi has completed "Bhimayan" with 1577 Shlokas, as an atonement for the injustice done to the young Bhimrao by some teachers.^[19]

Movies based on Ambedkar's Life

The Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Samajik Parivarthan Sthal has been constructed at Lucknow by BSP leader Mayawati. The chaitya consists of monuments showing Ambedkar's biography and quotes.

[edit]Notes and references

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^ Michael (1999), p. 65, notes that "The concept of Ambedkar as a Bodhisattva or enlightened being who brings liberation to all backward classes is widespread among Buddhists." He also notes how Ambedkar's pictures are enshrined side-to-side in Buddhist Vihars and households in Indian Buddhist homes.
^ Frances Pritchett. "youth". Columbia.edu. Retrieved 2010-07-17.
^ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2005). Ambedkar and Untouchability: Fighting the Indian Caste System. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 2. ISBN 0-231-13602-1.
^ Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1890s" (PHP). Retrieved 2006-08-02.
^ Frances Pritchett. "Waiting for a Visa, by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar". Columbia.edu. Retrieved 2010-07-17.
^ ^a ^b "Bhim, Eklavya". www.outlookindia.com. Retrieved 2010-07-17.
^ ^a ^b Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1900s"(PHP). Retrieved 2006-08-02.
^ ^a ^b Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1930s"(PHP). Retrieved 2006-08-02.
^ ^a ^b Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1940s"(PHP). Retrieved 2006-08-02.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji (1946)."Chapter X: Social Stagnation". Pakistan or the Partition of India. Bombay: Thackers Publishers. pp. 215–219. Retrieved 2009-10-08.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1950s"(PHP). Retrieved 2006-08-02.
^ Online edition of Sunday Observer - Features
^ B. R. Ambedkar (1979), Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, writings and speeches, Bombay: Education Dept., Govt. of Maharashtra,OL 4080132M
^ "Riddle In Hinduism". Ambedkar.org. Retrieved 2010-07-17.
^ "Magazine / Land & People : Ambedkar in Hungary". Chennai, India: The Hindu. 2009-11-22. Retrieved 2010-07-17.
^ Jamnadas, K.. "Jai Bhim and Jai Hind".
^ Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar at theInternet Movie Database
^ P.ANIMA (2009-07-17). "A spirited adventure". Chennai, India: The Hindu. Retrieved 2009-08-14.
^ [1]

Books
Michael, S.M. (1999). Untouchable, Dalits in Modern India. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 9781555876975.

[edit]Further reading

Dr B R Ambedkar: The Messiah of The Downtrodden by Janak Singh.ISBN 978-81-7835-821-5; Publishing Year: 2010; Publisher: Gyan Book, New Delhi.
Mahar, Buddhist. Religious Conversion and Socio-Political Emancipation by Johannes Beltz, 2005, New Delhi, Manohar.
Reconstructing the World: B.R. Ambedkar and Buddhism in Indiaedited by Johannes Beltz and S. JondhaleNew Delhi: OUP.
Dr. Ambedkar and Untouchability: Analyzing and Fighting Caste by Christophe Jaffrelot (2005) ISBN 0-231-13602-1
Ambedkar and Buddhism by Urgyen Sangharakshita ISBN 0-904766-28-4
Ambedkar: Towards an Enlightened India by Gail Omvedt ISBN 0-670-04991-3
Life of Babasaheb Ambedkar by C. Gautam, Published by Ambedkar Memorial Trust, London, Milan House, 8 Kingsland Road, London E2 8DA Second Edition, May 2000
Thus Spoke Ambedkar Vol-I* (Selected Speeches of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar) Compiled and edited by Bhagwan Das, published by Dalit Today Parkashan,18/455,Indira Nagar, Lucknow (U.P.)India-226016
Revival of Buddhism in India and Role of Dr. BabaSaheb B.R. Ambedkar by Bhagwan Das, published by Dalit Today Prakashan,18/455,Indira Nagar, Lucknow (U.P.)India-226016
Dr. Ambedkar: A Critical Study by W.N. Kuber, published by People's Publishing House, New Delhi, India.
Dr Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar : Anubhav Ani Athavani by Bhaskar Laxman Bholay, A Sahitya Akademi translation award winning book, 2001, Nagpur
Dr. Ambedkar: Life and Mission by Dhananjay Keer published by Popular Prakashan, Mumbai, India.
Economic Philosophy of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar by M.L. Kasare published by B.I. Publications Pvt. Ltd.,New Delhi, India.
The Legacy Of Dr. Ambedkar by D.C. Ahir published by B.R.Publishing Corporation, Delhi-110007,India. (ISBN 81-7018-603-X Code No. L00522)
Ajnat, Surendra: Ambedkar on Islam. Buddhist Publ., Jalandhar 1986.
Fernando, W. J. Basil: Demoralisation and Hope: Creating the Social Foundation for Sustaining Democracy—A comparative study of N. F. S. Grundtvig (1783–1872) Denmark and B. R. Ambedkar (1881–1956) India. AHRC Publication., Hong Kong 2000. (ISBN 962-8314-08-4)
http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/index.htmlPakistan or the Partition of India

[edit]External links & Writings

[show]v · d · eIndian independence movement

[show]v · d · eFirst Union Cabinet of India

[show]v · d · eBharat Ratna laureates

[show]v · d · eModern Dharma/Dhamma writers (1875 to date)

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Bharat Ratna Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar

"Father Of Indian Constitution"

India's first Law Minister

Architect of the Constitution of India

iii

http://www.ambedkar.org

Born April 14, 1891, Mhow, India

Died Dec. 6, 1956, New Delhi

Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, was the first Minister of Law soon after the Independence

of India in 1947 and was the Chairman of the drafting committee for the Constitution of
IndiaAs such he was chiefly responsible for drafting of The Constitution of India.
Ambedkar was born on the 14th April, 1891. After graduating from Elphinstone College,
Bombay in 1912, he joined Columbia University, USA where he was awarded Ph.D.
Later he joined the London School of Economics & obtained a degree of D.Sc. (

Economics) and was called to the Bar from Gray's Inn.

He returned to India in 1923 and started the'Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha'for the

education and economic improvement of the lower classes from where he came.

One of the greatest contributions of Dr. Ambedkar was in respect of Fundamental

Rights & Directive Principles of State Policy enshrined in the Constitution of India. The
Fundamental Rights provide for freedom, equality, and abolition of Untouchability &
remedies to ensure the enforcement of rights. The Directive Principles enshrine the
broad guiding principles for securing fair distribution of wealth & better living conditions.

On the 14th October, 1956, Babasaheb Ambedkar a scholar in Hinduism embraced
Buddhism. He continued the crusade for social revolution until the end of his life on the
6th December 1956. He was honoured with the highest national honour, 'Bharat Ratna'
in April 1990 .

Riddles in Hinduism

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annot rely on anyone in UPA leadership for advice, Manmohan told Jaswant Singh

SURESH NAMBATH

SHARE · COMMENT · PRINT · T+

The HinduFile photo of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with BJP leader Jaswant Singh.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh reportedly told Bharatiya Janata Party leader Jaswant Singh that he could not "rely on" anyone in the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) leadership to give him proper advice, except Finance Minister P. Chidambaram and some scientists, according to an American Embassy cable sent on October 24, 2005 (43447: confidential).

Jaswant Singh revealed this during a conversation with United States Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs R. Nicholas Burns on October 21, 2005. "[Jaswant] Singh said he would be frank and tell the U/S [Under Secretary] exactly what advice he had provided the PM. He opined that the UPA 'does not have the intellectual commitment to improve US/India relations,' as it had inherited its platform in this regard from the previous NDA government, and had 'grown into' its present position. He purportedly told the PM that India needs to stop asking for favors and start delivering to the world community," the cable sent under the name of Ambassador David Mulford said. "[Jaswant] Singh also pointed out that the UPA would not be able to deliver as long as it was propped up by the Communists, who he claimed are bent on 'hollowing out' the Congress party by 'disapproving anything and everything.' Singh emphasized that these foreign policy issues are inherently political, and the PM has not properly dealt with their political dimensions," the Ambassador reported on the conversation.

"The PM purportedly responded to Singh that he cannot 'rely on' anyone in the UPA leadership to give him proper advice except Finance Minister Chidambaram and some of the scientists. Singh emphasized to the PM that the non-proliferation regime has changed from one of controlling testing to controlling the production of fissile material and the GOI [Government of India] needs to stay ahead of these trends. He also endorsed a missile defense system for India, saying that it makes sense to adopt a defensive rather than an offensive strategy," the cable recorded Jaswant Singh's version of the conversation.

"Singh characterized the PM as a 'good economist,' who is good at 'reading paper,' but not strong on executing policy," the Ambassador cabled. In a concluding comment on the discussions between Mr. Burns and Jaswant Singh, he said: "Singh made the right noises regarding NDA support for the US/India agenda, and the Indian stance regarding Iran in the IAEA, but appeared more focused on domestic politics than the international agenda." (This article is a part of the series "The India Cables" based on the US diplomatic cables accessed by The Hindu via Wikileaks.)

Keywords: Cable43447, The India Cables, WikiLeaks, Cablegate, Manmohan Singh government, UPA, NDA, Jaswant Singh

Congress criticizes BJP over fresh Wikileaks revelations

Sify - ‎1 hour ago‎

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32279: Jaitley reaffirms US-India commitment

The Hindu - ‎15 hours ago‎

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Hindu nationalism is opportunistic, said Jaitley

The Hindu - Suresh Nambath - ‎14 hours ago‎

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Pressed on the question of Hindutva, Jaitley argued that Hindu nationalism "will always be a talking point"" for the BJP.

more by Arun Jaitley - 15 hours ago - The Hindu (1 occurrences)

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The Hindu - ‎19 hours ago‎

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IBNLive.com - ‎3 hours ago‎

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'Jaitley said Hindu nationalism is opportunistic issue for BJP'

Hindustan Times - ‎8 hours ago‎

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Times of India - ‎15 hours ago‎

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Times of India - ‎Mar 25, 2011‎

NEW DELHI The BJP may have been on the defensive during the debate on WikiLeaks and cash-for-vote scam in the Parliament, but that has not prevented the party from continuing to take pot shots at Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. ...

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All 28 related articles »

Hindu nationalism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hindu politics
Part of a series on

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Hindu nationalism has been collectively referred to the expressions of social and political thought, based on the native spiritual and cultural traditions of historical India. Some scholars have argued that the term 'Hindu nationalism' which refers to the concept of 'Hindu Rashtra' is a simplistic translation and is better described by the term 'Hindu polity'.^[1]

The native thought streams became highly relevant in the Indian history when they helped form a distinctive identity to the Indian polity^[2] and provided a basis for questioning colonialism.^[3] They inspired the freedom movements against the British rule based on armed struggle,^[4] coercive politics^[5] and non-violent protests.^[6]They also influenced social reform movements and economic thinking in India.^[5]

In India, the term 'nationalism' doesn't have the negative connotations which it has in Western intellectual circles of post-Marxist orientation. On the contrary, the term is hallowed by its association with the freedom movement against British colonialism and the establishment of democracy.^[7]

[edit]History

Medieval Hindu Rulers

Emperor Krishna Deva Raya, one of the greatest emperors of India was hailed as "Hinduraya Suratrana".
Maha-Rana Pratap Singh was the legendary sixteenth century Rajput ruler ofRajasthan. Pratap is considered to exemplify the qualities to which Rajputs aspire.

Maharaja Pratap Aditya was the most prominent of the Hindu rulers of Bengal. He declared independence from the Mughals and established an independent Hindu state in Bengal.
Maharaj Shivaji Bhosle was aMaratha Emperor who founded the Maratha empire. Shivaji led a resistance to free the Maratha nation and establish self rule ("Hindavi Swarajya").

The term Hinduism derives from a Persian word that refers to the Sindhu (or Indus) river in northwest India; "Hindu" was first used in the 14th century by Arabs, Persians, and Afghans to describe the peoples of the region.^[8] The usage of the word 'Hindu' to describe the native polity of India have been found in the historical accounts of medieval India. These usages show that the word Hindu, until the early nineteenth century was emphasized by nativity rather than by religion.^[9]

Prominent among the South Indian rulers of the fourteenth century were the Sangama rulers of Vijayanagara empire who were hailed as 'Hinduraya suratana', the best among the Hindu rulers.^[10] The Sangama rulers were in constant conflict with the Sultanate of Bijapur, and this usage of the word 'Hindu' in the title, was obviously to distinguish them as native rulers as against the Sultans who were "perceived to be foreign in origin". It has been noted by Historians that "Hindus" did not conceive themselves as a religious unity in any sense except in opposition to foreign rule. For example, the early seventeenth-century Telugu work, 'Rayavachakamu', condemns the Muslim rulers for being foreign and barbarian and only rarely for specifically religious traits.^[11]

The other references include the glorification of the Chauhana heroes of Jaloras 'Hindu' by Padmanabha in his epic poem, Kanhadade-prabandha, which he composed in AD 1455. The Rajput ruler, Maha Rana Pratap became renowned with the title of 'Hindu-kula-kamala-divakara' for his relentless fight against theMughals.^[12] Maharaja Pratap Aditya was the most prominent of the Hindu rulers of Bengal. He declared independence from the Mughals and established an independent Hindu state in Bengal. 'Hindavi Swarajya' (self rule of the natives) was how the rule of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, the most notable of the rulers of the seventeenth century was described. The usage of 'Hindavi' (translated as 'of Hindus' in Marathi) in 'Hindavi Swarajya' is considered to mean Indian Independence rather than the rule by a religious sect or a community.^[9]

[edit]Hindu Renaissance in the late 19th century

Raja Ram Mohan Royendeavored to create from the ancient Upanishadic texts a vision of rationalist modernIndia.

Many Hindu reform movements originated in the late nineteenth century. These movements led to the fresh interpretations of the ancient scriptures of Upanishads and Vedanta and also emphasized on social reform.^[5] The marked feature of these movements was that they countered the notion of western superiority and white supremacy propounded by the colonizers as a justification for British colonialism in India. This led to the upsurge of patriotic ideas that formed the cultural and an ideological basis for the freedom struggle in India.^[3]

[edit]Brahmo Samaj

The Brahmo Samaj was one of the earliest Hindu renaissance movements in India under the British rule. It was started by a Bengali scholar, Ram Mohan Roy in 1828. Ram Mohan Roy endeavored to create from the ancient Upanishadic texts, a vision of rationalist 'modern' India. Religiously he criticized idolatry and believed in a monotheistic religion devoid of any idolatry and religious customs. His major emphasis was social reform. He fought against caste discrimination and advocated equal rights for women.^[13] Although the Brahmos found favorable response from the British Government and the Westernized Indians, they were largely isolated from the larger Hindu society due to their intellectual Vedantic and Unitarian views. But their efforts to systematize Hindu spirituality based on rational and logical interpretation of the ancient Indian texts would be carried forward by other movements in Bengal and across India.^[3]

[edit]Arya Samaj

Arya Samaj is considered one of the overarching Hindu renaissance movements of the late nineteenth century. Swami Dayananda, the founder of Arya Samaj, rejected idolatry, caste restriction and untouchability, child marriage and advocated equal status and opportunities for women. He opposed "Brahmanism" (which he believed had led to the corruption of the knowledge of Vedas) as much as he opposed Christianity and Islam.^[5] Although Arya Samaj was a social movement, many revolutionaries and political leaders of the Indian Independence movement like Ramprasad Bismil,^[14] Shyamji Krishnavarma, Bhai Paramanand and Lala Lajpat Rai were to be inspired by it.^[15]

[edit]Swami Vivekananda

Swami Vivekananda on the Platform of the Parliament of the World's Religions.

Another 19th century Hindu reformer was Swami Vivekananda. Vivekananda as a student was educated in contemporary Western thought.^[3] He joined Brahmo Samaj briefly before meeting Ramakrishna, who was a priest in the temple of the mother goddess Kali in Calcutta and who was to become his Guru.^[3] Vivekananda's major achievement was to ground Hindu spirituality in a systematic interpretation of Vedanta. This project started with Ram Mohan Roy of Brahmo Samaj and which had produced rational Hinduism was now combined with disciplines such as yoga and the concept of social service to attain perfection from the ascetic traditions in what Vivekananda called the "practical Vedanta". The practical side essentially included participation in social reform.^[3]

He made Hindu spirituality, intellectually available to the Westernized audience. His famous speech at the Parliament of the World's Religions at Chicago on September 11, 1893, followed huge reception of his thought in the West and made him a celebrity in the West and subsequently in India too.^[3]

A major element of Vivekananda's message was nationalist. He saw his effort very much in terms of a revitalization of the Hindu nation, which carried Hindu spirituality and which could counter Western materialism. The notions of White supremacy and Western superiority, strongly believed by the colonizers, were to be questioned based on Hindu spirituality. This kind of spiritual Hinduism was later carried forward byMahatma Gandhi and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. It also became a main inspiration for the current brand of Hindu nationalism today.^[3]Historians have observed that this helped the nascent Independence movement with a distinct national identity and kept it from being the simple derivative function of European nationalisms.^[2]

[edit]Sri Aurobindo

Sri Aurobindo

Sri Aurobindo was a nationalist and one of the first to embrace the idea of complete political independence for India. He was inspired by the writings of Swami Vivekananda and the novels of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay.^[16] He "based his claim for freedom for India on the inherent right to freedom, not on any charge of misgovernment or oppression". He believed that the primary requisite for national progress, national reform, is the free habit of free and healthy national thought and action and that it was impossible in a state of servitude.^[17] He was part of the revolutionary groupAnushilan Samiti and was involved in armed struggle against the British^[18] In his brief political career spanning only four years, he led a delegation from Bengal to the Indian National Congress session of 1907 ^[17] and contributed to the revolutionary newspaper Bande Mataram.

In 1910, he withdrew from political life and spent his remaining life doing spiritual exercises and writing.^[16] But his works kept inspiring revolutionaries and struggles for freedom, including the famous Chittagong Uprising.^[19] Both Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo are credited with having found the basis for a vision of freedom and glory for India in the spiritual richness and heritage of Hinduism.

[edit]Independence movement

The influence of the Hindu renaissance movements was such that by the turn of the last century, there was a confluence of ideas of the Hindu cultural nationalism with the ideas of Indian nationalism.^[5] Both could be spoken synonymous even by tendencies that were seemingly opposed to sectarian communalism and Hindu majoritism.^[5] The Hindu renaissance movements held considerable influence over the revolutionary movements against the British rule and formed the philosophical basis for the struggles and political movements that originated in the first decade of the twentieth century.

[edit]Revolutionary Movements

[edit]Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar

Anushilan Samiti was one of the prominent revolutionary movements in India in the early part of twentieth century. It was started as a cultural society in 1902, by Aurobindo and the followers of Bankim Chandra to propagate the teachings of the Bhagavad-Gita. But soon the Samiti had its goal to overthrow the British rule in India.^[4] Various branches of the Samiti sprung across India in the guise of suburban fitness clubs but secretly imparted arms training to its members with the implicit aim of using them against the British administration^[20] On April 30, 1908 at Muzaffarpur, two revolutionaries, Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki threw bombs at a British convoy aimed at British officer Kingsford. Both were arrested trying to flee. Aurobindo was also arrested on 2 May 1908 and sent to Alipore jail. The report sent from Andrew Fraser, the then Lt Governor of Bengal to Lord Minto in England declared that although Sri Aurobindo came to Calcutta in 1906 as a Professor at the National College, "he has ever since been the principal advisor of the revolutionary party. It is of utmost importance to arrest his potential for mischief, for he is the prime mover and can easily set tools, one to replace another." But charges against Aurobindo were never proved and he was acquitted. Many members of the group faced charges and were transported and imprisoned for life. Others went into hiding.^[21]

In 1910, when, Aurobindo withdrew from political life and decided to live a life of renounciate,^[16] the Anushilan Samiti declined. One of the revolutionaries, Jatindra Das Mukherjee, who managed to escape the trial started a group which would be called Jugantar. Jugantar continued with its armed struggle with the British, but the arrests of its key members and subsequent trials weakened its influence. Many of its members were imprisoned for life in the notorious Andaman Cellular jail.^[21]

Savarkar (above) and Gandhi politely agreed to disagree on whetherRamayana justified the use of violence in freedom struggle.

[edit]India House

A revolutionary movement was started by Shyamji Krishnavarma, a Sanskritist and an Arya Samajist, in London, under the name of India House in 1905. The brain behind this movement was said to be V D Savarkar. Krishnaverma also published a monthly "Indian Sociologist", where the idea of an armed struggle against the British was openly espoused.^[22] The movement had become well known for its activities in the Indian expatriates in London. When Gandhi visited London in 1909, he shared a platform with the revolutionaries where both the parties politely agreed to disagree, on the question of violent struggle against British and whether Ramayana justified such violence. Gandhi, while admiring the "patriotism" of the young revolutionaries, had dissented vociferously from their violent blueprints for social change. In turn the revolutionaries disliked his adherence to constitutionalism and his close contacts with moderate leaders of Indian National Congress. Moreover they considered his method of "passive resistance" effeminate and humiliating.^[23]

The India House had soon to face a closure following the assassination of William Hutt Curzon Wyllie by the revolutionary Madan Lal Dhingra, who was close to India House. Veer Savarkar also faced charges and was transported. Shyamji Krishnaverma fled to Paris.^[22] India House gave formative support to ideas that were later formulated by Savarkar in his book named 'Hindutva'. Hindutva was to gain relevance in the run up to the Indian Independence and would also form the core to the political party named Hindu Mahasabha started by Savarkar.^[5]

[edit]Indian National Congress

[edit]"Lal-Bal-Pal"

"Lal-Bal-Pal" is the phrase that is used to refer to the three nationalist leaders Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal who held the sway over the Indian Nationalist movement and the freedom struggle in the early parts of twentieth century.

A rare photograph of the three leaders who changed the political discourse of the Independence movement

Lala Lajpat Rai belonged to the northern province of Punjab. He was influenced greatly by the Arya Samaj and was part of the Hindu reform movement.^[5] He joined the Indian National Congress in 1888 and became a prominent figure in the Indian Independence Movement.^[24] He started numerous educational institutions. The National College at Lahore started by him became the centre for revolutionary ideas and was the college where revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh studied.^[25] While leading a procession against the Simon Commission, he was fatally injured in the lathi charge by the British police. His death led the revolutionaries like Chandrashekar Azad and Bhagat Singh to kill the British officer J.P. Saunders, who they believed was responsible for the death of Lala Lajpat Rai.^[24]

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a nationalist leader from the Central Indian province of Maharashtra. He has been widely acclaimed the "Father of Indian unrest" who used the press and Hindu occasions likeGanesh Chaturthi and symbols like the Cow to create unrest against the British administration in India.^[26] Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in 1890. Under the influence of such leaders, the political discourse of the Congress moved from polite accusation that imperial rule was "un-British" to the forthright claim of Tilak that "Swaraj is my birthright and I will have it".^[27]

Bipin Chandra Pal of Bengal was another prominent figure of the Indian nationalist movement, who is considered a modern Hindu reformer, who stood for Hindu cultural nationalism and was opposed to sectarian communalism and Hindu majoritism.^[5] He joined the Indian National Congress in 1886 and was also one of the key members of revolutionary India House.^[28]

[edit]Gandhi and Ramarajya

Gandhi never called himself a Hindu nationalist, but he always was a big preacher of the softer side of Hindu Dharma.

Though Gandhi never called himself a "Hindu nationalist", he believed in and propagated concepts like Dharma and "Rama Rajya" (Rule of Lord Rama) as part of his social and political philosophy. Gandhiji said "By political independence I do not mean an imitation to the British House of commons, or the soviet rule of Russia or the Fascist rule of Italy or the Nazi rule of Germany. They have systems suited to their genius. We must have ours suited to ours. What that can be is more than I can tell. I have described it as Ramarajya i.e., sovereignty of the people based on pure moral authority.^[29] He emphasized that "Rama Rajya" to him meant peace and justice. "Whether Rama of my imagination ever lived or not on this earth, the ancient ideal of Ramarajya is undoubtedly one of true democracy in which the meanest citizen could be sure of swift justice without an elaborate and costly procedure."^[30] He also emphasized that it meant respect for all religions: "My Hinduism teaches me to respect all religions. In this lies the secret of Ramarajya."^[31]

Madan Mohan Malviya, an educationist and a politician with the Indian National Congresswas also a vociferous proponent of the philosophy of Bhagavad-Gita. He was the president of the Indian National Congress in the year 1909 and 1918.^[6] He was seen as a 'moderate' in the Congress and was also considered very close to Gandhi. He popularized the Sanskrit phrase "Satyameva Jayate" (Truth alone wins), which today is the national motto of the Republic of India.^[32] He founded the Benaras Hindu University in 1919 and became its first Vice-Chancellor.^[33]

[edit]Subhas Bose

Apart from Gandhi, revolutionary leader Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose referred to Vedanta and the Bhagavad-Gita as sources of inspiration for the struggle against the British.^[34]

Subhas Chandra Bosewho called himself a socialist, believed that socialism in India owed its origins to Swami Vivekananda.

Swami Vivekananda's teachings on universalism, his nationalist thoughts and his emphasis on social service and reform had all inspired Subhas Chandra Bose from his very young days. The fresh interpretation of the India's ancient scriptures appealed immensely to Subhas.^[35] Hindu spirituality formed the essential part of his political and social thought through his adult life, although there was no sense of bigotry or orthodoxy in it.^[36]Subhas who called himself a socialist, believed that socialism in India owed its origins to Swami Vivekananda.^[37] As historian Leonard Gordan explains "Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape." "Hinduism was an essential part of his Indianess".^[38] His strategy against the British also included the use of Hindu symbols and festivals. In 1925, while in Mandalay jail, he went on a hunger strike when Durga puja was not supported by prison authorities.^[39]

[edit]K. B. Hedgewar

Another leader of prime importance in the ascent of Hindu nationalism was Dr K. B. Hedgewar of Nagpur. Hedgewar as a medical student in Calcutta had been part of the revolutionary activities of the Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar.^[40] He was charged with sedition in 1921 by the British Administration and served a year in prison. He was briefly a member of Indian National Congress.^[40] In 1925, he left the Congress to form theRashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which would become the focal point of Hindu movements in Independent India. After the formation of the RSS too, Hedgewar was to take part in the Indian National Congress led movements against the British rule. He joined the Jungle Satyagraha agitation in 1931 and served a second term in prison.^[40] The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh started by him became one of the most prominent Hindu organization with its influence ranging in the social and political spheres of India.

[edit]Partition of India

Main article: Partition of India

The Partition of India outraged many majority Hindu nationalist politicians and social groups.^[41] Savarkar and members of the Hindu Mahasabha were extremely critical of Gandhi's leadership.^[42] They accused him of appeasing the Muslims to preserve a unity that in their opinion, did not exist; Savarkar endorsed the concept of the Two-nation theory while disagreeing with it in practice.^[43] Some Hindu nationalists also blamed Gandhi for conceding Pakistan to the Muslim League via appeasement.^[44] Also, they were further inflamed when Gandhi conducted a fast-unto-death for the Indian government to give Rs. 55 crores which were due to the Pakistan government, but were being held back due to the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947.^[45]

After the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, the Sangh Parivar was plunged into distress when the RSS was accused of involvement in his murder. Along with the conspirators and the assassin, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was also arrested. The court acquitted Savarkar, and the RSS was found be to completely unlinked with the conspirators.^[46] The Hindu Mahasabha, of which Godse was a member, lost membership and popularity. The effects of public outrage had a permanent effect on the Hindu Mahasabha, which is now a defunct Hindutva party.

[edit]Evolution of ideological terminology

The word 'Hindu', throughout the history, had been used as an inclusive description which lacked a definition and was used to refer to the native traditions and people of India. It was only in late eighteenth century that the word 'Hindu' came to be used extensively with religious connotation, while still being used as a synecdoche describing the indigenuous traditions.^[9]

[edit]Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra

Main article: Hindutva

[edit]Savarkar

Main article: Veer Savarkar

Savarkar was one of the first in the twentieth century to attempt a definitive description of the term 'Hindu' in terms of what he called Hindutvameaning Hinduness.^[47] The coinage of the term 'Hindutva' was an attempt by Savarkar who was an atheist and a rationalist, to de-link it from any religious connotations that had become attached to it. He defined the word Hindu as: "He who considers India as both his Fatherland and Holyland". He thus defined Hindutva ("Hindu-ness") or Hindu as different from Hinduism.^[47] This definition kept the Abrahamic religions(Christianity and Islam) outside its ambit and considered only native religious denominations as Hindu.^[48]

This distinction was emphasized on the basis of territorial loyalty rather than on the religious practices. In this book that was written in the backdrop of the Khilafat Movement and the subsequent Malabar Rebellion, Savarkar wrote "Their (Muslims' and Christians') holy land is far off in Arabia or Palestine. Their mythology and Godmen, ideas and heroes are not the children of this soil. Consequently their names and their outlook smack of foreign origin. Their love is divided".^[47]

Savarkar, also defined the concept of Hindu Rashtra (translated as "Hindu polity").^[1] The concept of Hindu Polity called for the protection of Hindu people and their culture and emphasized that political and economic systems should be based on native thought rather than on the concepts borrowed from the West.

[edit]Golwalkar

Main article: Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar

M S Golwalkar, the second head of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, was to further this non-religious, territorial loyalty based definition of 'Hindu' in his book 'Bunch of thoughts'. 'Hindutva' and 'Hindu Rashtra' would form the basis of Golwalkar's ideology and that of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. While emphasizing on religious pluralism, Golwalkar believed that Semitic monotheism and exclusivism were incompatible with and against the native Hindu culture. He wrote "Those creeds (Islam and Christianity) have but one prophet, one scripture and one God, other than whom there is no path of salvation for the human soul. It requires no great intelligence to see the absurdity of such a proposition". He added "As far as the national tradition of this land is concerned, it never considers that with a change in the method of worship, an individual ceases to be the son of the soil and should be treated as an alien. Here, in this land, there can be no objection to God being called by any name whatever. Ingrained in this soil is love and respect for all faiths and religious beliefs. He cannot be a son of this soil at all who is intolerant of other faiths." ^[49]

He further would echo the views of Savarkar on territorial loyalty, but with a degree of inclusiveness, when he wrote "So, all that is expected of our Muslim and Christen co-citizens is the shedding of the notions of their being 'religious minorities' as also their foreign mental complexion and merging themselves in the common national stream of this soil."^[49]

[edit]Contemporary descriptions

Later thinkers of the RSS, like H V Sheshadri and K S Rao, were to emphasize on the non theocratic nature of the word "Hindu Rashtra", which they believed was often inadequately translated, ill interpreted and wrongly stereotyped as a theocratic state. In a book by H.V. Sheshadri, the senior leader of the RSS writes "As Hindu Rashtra is not a religious concept, it is also not a political concept. It is generally misinterpreted as a theocratic state or a religious Hindu state. Nation (Rashtra) and State (Rajya) are entirely different and should never be mixed up. State is purely a political concept. The State changes as the political authority shifts from person to person or party to party. But the people in the Nation remain the same.^[50] They would maintain that the concept of Hindu Rashtra is in complete agreement with the principles of secularism and democracy.^[51]

The concept of 'Hindutva' is continued to be espoused by the organizations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and political parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party. But the definition, does not have the same rigidity with respect to the concept of 'holy land' laid down by Savarkar, and stresses on inclusivism and patriotism. BJP leader and the then leader of opposition, Atal Behari Vajpayee, in 1998, articulated the concept of 'holy land' in Hindutva as follows "Mecca can continue to be holy for the Muslims but India should be holier than the holy for them. You can go to a mosque and offer namaz, you can keep the roza. We have no problem. But if you have to choose between Mecca or Islam and India you must choose India. All the Muslims should have this feeling: we will live and die only for this country.".^[52]

In 1995, in a landmark judgment the Supreme Court of India observed that "Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind."^[53]

[edit]Post Independence Movements

[edit]Somnath temple movement

Sardar Patel ordered Somnath templereconstructed in 1948.

The Somnath temple is an ancient temple at Prabhas Patan in the coastal Indian province ofGujarat, which had been destroyed several times by the Muslim foreign invaders, starting with Mahmud Ghaznavi in 1025 AD. The last of such destructions took place in 1706 AD when Prince Mohammad Azam carried out the orders of Moghul ruler Aurangzeb to destroy the temple of Somnath beyond possible repair. A small mosque was put in its place.^[54]

Before Independence, Prabhas Pattan where Somnath is located was part of the JunagarhState, ruled by the Nawab of Junagarh. On the eve of Independence the Nawab announced the accession of Junagarh, which had over 80% Hindu population, to Pakistan. The people of Junagarh rose in revolt and set up a parallel government under Gandhian leader and freedom fighter, Shri Samaldas Gandhi. The Nawab, unable to resist the popular pressure, bowed out and escaped to Pakistan. The provincial government under Samaldas Gandhi formally asked Government of India to take over.^[55] The Deputy Prime Minister of India, Sardar Patel came to Junagadh on November 12, 1947 to direct the occupation of the state by the Indian army and at the same time ordered the reconstruction of the Somanath temple^[56].

When Sardar Patel, K M Munshi and other leaders of the Congress went to Gandhiji with the proposal of reconstructing the Somnath temple, Gandhiji blessed the move, but suggested that the funds for the construction should be collected from the public and the temple should not be funded by the state. He expressed that he was proud to associate himself to the project of renovation of the temple^[57] But soon both Gandhiji and Sardar Patel died and the task of reconstruction of the temple was now continued under the leadership of K M Munshi, who was the Minister for Food and Civil, supplies in the Nehru Government.^[57]

The ruins were pulled down in October 1950 and the mosque was moved to a different location. In May 1951, Rajendra Prasad, the first President of the Republic of India, invited by K M Munshi, performed the installation ceremony for the temple^[58] Rajendra Prasad said in his address "It is my view that the reconstruction of the Somnath Temple will be complete on that day when not only a magnificent edifice will arise on this foundation, but the mansion of India's prosperity will be really that prosperity of which the ancient temple of Somnath was a symbol.".^[59] He added "The Somnath temple signifies that the power of reconstruction is always greater than the power of destruction"^[59]

This episode created a serious rift between the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who saw in movement for reconstruction of the temple an attempt at Hindu revivalism and the President Rajendra Prasad and Union Minister K M Munshi, saw in its reconstruction, the fruits of freedom and the reversal of injustice done to Hindus.^[59]

[edit]The Emergence of the Sangh Parivar

Main article: Sangh Parivar

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which was started in 1925, had grown as a huge organisation by the end of British rule in India. But the assassination of Gandhi and a subsequent ban on the organisation plunged it into distress. The ban was revoked when it was absolved of the charges and it led to the resumtion of its activities.^[46]

The 1960s saw the volunteers of the RSS join the different social and political movements. Movements that saw a large presence of volunteers included the Bhoodan, a land reform movement led by prominent Gandhian Vinoba Bhave^[60] and the Sarvodaya led by another Gandhian Jayaprakash Narayan.^[61] RSS supported trade union, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh and political party Bharatiya Jana Sangh also grew into considerable prominence by the end of the decade.

Another prominent development was the formation of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, an organisation of Hindu religious leaders, supported by the RSS, with the aim of uniting the various Hindu religious denominations and to usher social reform. The first VHP meet at Mumbai was attended among others by all the Shankaracharyas, Jain leaders, Sikh leader Master Tara Singh Malhotra, the Dalai Lama and contemporary Hindu leaders like Swami Chinmayananda. From its initial years, the VHP led a concerted attack on the social evils of untouchability and casteism while launching social welfare programmes in the areas of education and health care, especially for the Scheduled Castes, backward classes and the tribals.^[62]

The organizations started and supported by the RSS volunteers came to be known collectively as the Sangh Parivar. Next few decades saw a steady growth of the influence of the Sangh Parivar in the social and political space of India.^[62]

[edit]See also

Hinduism portal

[edit]Notes

^ ^a ^b The Hindu Phenomenon by Girilal Jain, ISBN no. 81-86112-32-4
^ ^a ^b Chatterjee Partha (1986)
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h Peter van der Veer, Hartmut Lehmann, Nation and religion: perspectives on Europe and Asia, Princeton University Press, 1999
^ ^a ^b Li Narangoa, R. B. Cribb Imperial Japan and National Identities in Asia, 1895-1945, Published by Routledge, 2003
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ Chetan Bhatt (2001)
^ ^a ^b Vidya Dhar Mahajan, Constitutional history of India, including the nationalist movement, Published by S. Chand, 1971
^ page 21, Elst Koenraad, Decolonizing the Hindu mind, Rupa Co 2001
^ "Hinduism Beginnings". Patheos Library. Retrieved 2010-08-19.
^ ^a ^b ^c On Understanding Islam: Selected Studies, By Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Published by Walter de Gruyter, 1981, ISBN 9027934487, 9789027934482
^ Carla M. Sinopoli, The political economy of craft production: crafting empire in South India, c. 1350-1650, Published by Cambridge University Press, 2003
^ Gabriel Palmer-Fernandez, Hinduism Modern, Encyclopedia of religion and war
^ M. G. Chitkara, Hindutva, Published by APH Publishing, 1997,ISBN 8170247985, 9788170247982
^ Thomas R. Metcalf, A Concise History of India, Cambridge University Press, 2002
^ Bhagat Singh, Why I am an atheist, Selected Writings of Shaheed Bhagat Singh by Bhagat Singh, Shiv Verma, National Book Centre, 1986
^ Michael Francis O'Dwyer, India as I knew it, 1885-1925, Published by Constable, 1926
^ ^a ^b ^c William Theodore De Bary, Stephen N Hay, Sources of Indian Tradition, Published by Motilal Banarsidass Publisher, 1988, ISBN 8120804678
^ ^a ^b Peter Heehs, Religious nationalism and beyond, August 2004
^ Elleke Boehmer, Empire, the National, and the Postcolonial, 1890-1920: Resistance in Interaction Published by Oxford University Press, 2005, ISBN 019818445X, 9780198184454
^ Manini Chatterjee, Do and Die: The Chittagong Uprising, 1930-34, Published by Penguin Books, 1999
^ By J. C. Johari, Voices of Indian Freedom Movement, Published by Akashdeep Pub. House
^ ^a ^b Arun Chandra Guha Aurobindo and Jugantar, Published by Sahitya Sansad, 1970
^ ^a ^b Anthony Parel, Hind Swaraj and other writings By Gandhi, Published by Cambridge University Press, 1997, ISBN 0521574315, 9780521574310
^ Manfred B. Steger, Gandhi's dilemma: nonviolent principles and nationalist power, Published by Macmillan, 2000, ISBN 0312221770, 9780312221775
^ ^a ^b Lajpat Rai, Bal Ram Nanda, The collected works of Lala Lajpat Rai, Published by Manohar, 2005, ISBN 8173046603, 9788173046605
^ Haṃsarāja Rahabara, Bhagat Singh and His Thought. Published by Manak Publications, 1990, ISBN 8185445079, 9788185445076
^ Donald Mackenzie Brown, The Nationalist movement: Indian political thought from Ranade to Bhave, Published by University of California Press, 1965
^ Gail Omvedt, Reinventing revolution: new social movements and the socialist tradition in India, Published by M.E. Sharpe, 1993
^ Saral Kumar Chatterji , Bipin Chandra Pal, Published by Publications were divided, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 1984
^ Harijan, 2-1-1937
^ Young India, 19-9-1929
^ Harijan 19-10-1947
^ Ranganathan Magadi, India Rises in the West, Published by Lulu.com, 2006 ISBN 1430301058, 9781430301059
^ Aparna Basu, The Growth of Education and Political Development in India, 1898-1920, Published by Oxford University Press, 1974
^ Li Narangoa, R. B. Cribb, Imperial Japan and National Identities in Asia, 1895-1945, Published by Routledge, 2003
^ Sisir Kumar Bose, Aleander Werth, Narayan Gopal Jog, Subbier Appadurai Ayer, Beacon Across Asia: A Biography of Subhas Chandra Bose, Published by Orient Blackswan, 1996
^ Nirad C. Chaudhuri, Thy Hand, Great Anarch!: India, 1921-1952, Published by Chatto & Windus, 1987
^ P. R. Bhuyan, Swami Vivekananda, Published by Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, 2003
^ Leonard A. Gordon, Brothers Against The Raj:A Biography of Indian Nationalist Leaders Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose, Published by Columbia University Press, 1990
^ S.K. Bose, Subhas Chandra Bose, Eds. Sisir Kumar Bose And Sugata Bose, The Alternative Leadership: Speeches, Articles, Statements and Letters June 1939–1941, Published by Orient Blackswan, 2004
^ ^a ^b ^c Chitkara M G, Hindutva, Published by APH Publishing, 1997ISBN 8170247985, 9788170247982
^ http://www.english.emory.edu/Bahri/Part.html
^ http://www.boloji.com/opinion/0022.htm
^ http://www.sacw.net/partition/IshtiaqAhmed2002.html
^ http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/itihas/partition.htm
^ http://san.beck.org/20-5-GandhiandIndia1919-33.html
^ ^a ^b Report of Commission of Inquiry into Conspiracy to Murder Mahatma Gandhi, By India (Republic). Commission of Inquiry into Conspiracy to Murder Mahatma Gandhi, Jeevan Lal Kapur, Published by Ministry of Home affairs, 1970,page 165
^ ^a ^b ^c Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar: Hindutva, Bharati Sahitya Sadan, Delhi 1989 (1923)
^ Elst, Koenraad (2005). Decolonizing the Hindu mind. India: Rupa. pp. 21. ISBN 81-7167-519-0.
^ ^a ^b MS Golwalkar, Bunch of thoughts, Sahitya Sindhu Prakashan, 19262
^ K.S. Rao in H. V. Seshadri, ed.:Why Hindu Rashtra?, p.24
^ Elst, Koenraad (2005). Decolonizing the Hindu mind. India: Rupa. pp. 480–486. ISBN 81-7167-519-0.
^ The Nation, January 24, 1998
^ Supreme Court on Hindu Hindutva and Hinduism
^ Ram Gopal, Hindu culture during and after Muslim rule: survival and subsequent challenges, Published by M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1994, ISBN 8185880263, 9788185880266
^ Vapal Pangunni Menon, The Story of the Integration of the Indian States, Published by Macmillan, 1956
^ Hindustan Times, 15 Nov, 1947
^ ^a ^b Marie Cruz Gabriel, Rediscovery of India, A silence in the city and other stories, Published by Orient Blackswan, 1996, ISBN 8125008284, 9788125008286
^ Peter Van der Veer, Ayodhya and Somnath, eternal shrines, contested histories, 1992
^ ^a ^b ^c Kanaiyalal Maneklal Munshi, Indian constitutional documents,Published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1967
^ Suresh Ramabhai, Vinoba and his mission, Published by Akhil Bharat Sarv Seva Sangh, 1954
^ Martha Craven Nussbaum, The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future, Published by Harvard University Press, 2007 ISBN 0674024826, 9780674024823
^ ^a ^b Smith, David James, Hinduism and Modernity P189, Blackwell Publishing ISBN 0-631-20862-3

[edit]References

Walter K. Andersen. 'Bharatiya Janata Party: Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face', In The New Politics of the Right: Neo–Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, ed. Hans–Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), pp. 219–232. (ISBN 0-312-21134-1 or ISBN 0-312-21338-7)
Partha Banerjee, In the Belly of the Beast: The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India (Delhi: Ajanta, 1998). OCLC 43318775
Bhatt, Chetan, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Berg Publishers (2001), ISBN 9781859733486.
Blank, Jonah. Arrow of the Blue-Skinned God.
Elst, Koenraad (2005). Decolonizing the Hindu mind. India: Rupa. ISBN 81-7167-519-0.
Ainslie T. Embree, 'The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: To Define the Hindu Nation', in Accounting for Fundamentalisms, The Fundamentalism Project 4, ed. Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 617–652. (ISBN 0-226-50885-4)
Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life.
Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar (1923). Hindutva. Delhi, India: Bharati Sahitya Sadan.
Balbir K, Punj, "Hindu Rashtra" South Asian Journal

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For Veer Savarkar's book, see Hindutva (book).

Hindutva (Devanagari: हिन्दुत्व, "Hinduness", a word coined by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his 1923 pamphlet entitled Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? ) is the term used to describe movements advocating Hindu nationalism. Members of the movement are called Hindutvavādis.^{[citation needed]}

In India, an umbrella organization called the Sangh Parivar champions the concept of Hindutva. The sangh comprises organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP),Bajrang Dal, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.

This ideology has existed since the early 20th century, forged by Veer Savarkar, but came to prominence inIndian politics in the late 1980s, when two events attracted a large number of mainstream Hindus to the movement. The first of these events was the Rajiv Gandhi government's use of its large Parliamentary Majority to overturn a Supreme Court verdict granting alimony to an old woman that had angered many Muslims (see the Shah Bano case). The second was the dispute over the 16th century Mughal Babri Mosque in Ayodhya — built by Babur after his first major victory in India. The Supreme Court of India refused to take up the case in the early 1990s, leading to a huge outcry. Tempers soon flared, and a huge number of nationalist Hindus from all parts of India razed the mosque in late 1992, causing nationwide communal riots. The razing of the mosque and subsequent conflict arguably lifted the BJP and Hindutva to international prominence.

[hide]

Definition

Ancient Hindu flag with two pennants.

According to Savarkar, Hindutva is meant to denote the Hindu characteristic, or Hinduness.^[1]

In a judgment the Supreme Court of India ruled that "no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms 'Hindu', 'Hindutva' and 'Hinduism'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage." The Court also ruled that "Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind."^[2]

Central concepts

Cultural nationalism

According to this, the natives of India share a common culture, history and ancestry.

M S Golwalkar, one of the main proponents of Hindutva believed that India's diversity in terms of customs, traditions and ways of worship was its uniqueness and that this diversity was not without the strong underlying cultural basis which was essentially native. He believed that the Hindu natives with all their diversity, shared among other things "the same philosophy of life", "the same values" and "the same aspirations" which formed a strong cultural and a civilizational basis for a nation.^[3]

Savarkar similarly believed that the Indian subcontinent (which includes the area south of the Himalaya and the Hindu Kush or Akhand Bharat(undivided India, अखण्ड भारत) is the homeland of the Hindus. He considered "Hindus" as those who consider India (Bharat, भारत) to be their motherland (matrubhumi), fatherland (pitrubhumi, पितृभूमि) as well as their holy land (punyabhumi, पुण्यभूमि), hence describing it purely in cultural terms.^[1]

RSS, one of the main votaries of Hindutva has stated that it believes in a cultural connotation of the term Hindu. "The term Hindu in the conviction as well as in the constitution of the RSS is a cultural and civilizational concept and not a political or religious dogma. The term as a cultural concept will include and did always include all including Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The cultural nationality of India, in the conviction of the RSS, is Hindu and it was inclusive of all who are born and who have adopted Bharat as their Motherland, including Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The answering association submit that it is not just a matter of RSS conviction, but a fact borne out by history that the Muslims, Christians and Parsis too are Hindus by culture although as religions they are not so."^[4]

Decolonization

Emphasizing historical oppression of Hindus by colonial invaders like the Muslims (see Muslim conquest of the Indian subcontinent) and the Christians (see Goa Inquisition) and the call to "reverse" the cultural influence resulting from these intrusions.^[3]

Social justice

The acceptance that Hindu social structure "is ridden with castes and communities", and that this has led to "barriers and segregation" and condemnation of "obnoxious vice of social inequality" and "untouchability".^[5] The supporters of Hindutva have a positive outlook towards theDalit community, which they aim to bring to leadership positions in their organizations.^[6]

Uniform Civil Code

Leaders subscribing to Hindutva have been known for their demands for a Uniform Civil Code for all the citizens of India. They believe that differential laws based on religion violate Article 44 of the Indian Constitution and have sowed the seeds of divisiveness between different religious communities.^[7]

The advocates of Hindutva often use the term pseudo-secularism to refer to policies which they believe are unduly favorable towards the Muslims and Christians. They oppose what they see as a 'separate-but-equal' system; some supporters of Hindutva see it as the Indian National Congress party's effort to woo the sizable minority vote bank at the expense of true equality.^[8] The subject of a Uniform Civil Code, which would remove special religion-based provisions for different religions (Hindus, Muslims, Christians, etc.) from the Indian Constitution, is thus one of the main agendas of Hindutva organizations.^[9] The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by Muslims^[10] and political parties like the Indian National Congress and The Communist Party of India (Marxist)^[11]

Followers of Hindutva have questioned differential religious laws in India which allows polygamy and triple talaq among Muslims and thereby compromises on the status of Muslim women and "marginalizes" them.^[12]

The passing of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 by Rajiv Gandhi government to dilute the secular judgment of Supreme Court under pressure from the conservative Muslims was opposed by Hindutva organisations. The new act, in tune with the Shariat, denied even utterly destitute Muslim divorcees the right to alimony from their former husbands.^[13]

Protection of Hindu interests

The followers of Hindutva are known for their criticism of the Indian government as too passive with regard to the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus^[14]^[15] by Kashmiri Muslim separatists and advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in Jammu and Kashmir.^[16]

They have called for the protection of native Hindu traditions,^[17] holy structures, rivers^[18] and the cow (which is considered holy by Hindus).

Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the Hindu society which is plagued by casteism, regionalism, and passive religion.

Views on other faiths

The votaries of Hindutva believe that the way Muslims and Hindus have treated each other in the past is a one-way compromise and they intend on making society more balanced and fair towards the majority Hindu population.^[19] The BJP has also invited Muslims to be a part of this new society and work with the Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs for a better India.^[20] Even more militant parties such as the Shiv Sena have invited Muslims to join and the party leader declared after the Babri Mosque incident,

"We must look after the Muslims and treat them as part of us."^[21]

Hindutva groups are supportive of the Jewish State of Israel, including Savarkar himself, who supported Israel during its formation.^[22] The RSS is politically pro-Israel and actively praised the efforts of Ariel Sharon when he visited India.^[23]^[24] RSS spokesperson Ram Madhavrecently expressed support for Israel.^[25]

Views on Indian history

The Hindu organisations like the RSS believe that the history of India was written by the British with a condescending attitude towards the native people and their culture. M S Golwalkar writes that the history of ancient India was summed up as "Tanglewood Tales". Similar concerns were raised by Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore in his essay, "The History of Bharatvarsha", in 1903. He calls the history books "nightmarish account of India". He writes "while the lands of the aliens existed, there also existed the indigenous country" meaning the latter was grossly being neglected. He adds that the British accounts of Indian history "throw a beam of artificial light on such a spot that in our own eyes the very profile of our country is made dark".^[26]

M S Golwalkar argues that it was a delibrate Imperialist strategy to teach Indians a wrong version of history.^[3] In this context, writings of Lord Macaulay,"the brain behind the system of English education", are referred to as an indication of this.^[3]

Lord Macaulay had stated "We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and millions whom we govern-a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect." ^[27]

He had also written "No Hindu who has received an English education ever remains sincerely attached to his religion. It is my firm belief that if our plans of education are followed up, there will not be a single idolater among the respected classes 30 years hence." ^[28]

Senior RSS leader H V Sheshadri refers to this attitude of "White man's burden" which he believes shaped the English education system in India and British version of Indian history.^[29]

The RSS is opposed to the theory of Indo-Aryan migration to India, a number believing in the alternative Out of India theory. While largely uncontroversial in academia, the "Aryan Invasion theory" debate in India, involving e.g. Sita Ram Goel, Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib and Arun Shourie, is also a matter of politics.^{[citation needed]}

Further information: Indigenous Aryans and Aryan Invasion Theory (history and controversies)

Organizations

Main article: Sangh Parivar

Hindutva is commonly identified as the guiding ideology of the Sangh Parivar, a family of Hindu Nationalist organizations, and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in particular. In general, Hindutvavaadis (followers of Hindutva) believe that they represent the well-being of Hinduism,Sikhism, Buddhism, Ayyavazhi, Jainism and all other religions prominent in India.

Most nationalists are organized into political, cultural and social organizations. The first Hindutva organisation formed was the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in 1925. A prominent Indian political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the RSS, Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad. Other organisations include:

Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh - Overseas branch of the RSS
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh - Worker's Union
Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad - A Student's Union
Bharatiya Kisan Sangh - A Farmers' organisation

The major political wing is the BJP which was in power in India's Central Government for six years from 1998 to 2004 and is now the main opposition party. It is also in power in the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, and Uttaranchal. It is an alliance partner in the states of Orissa, Punjab, and Bihar.

Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the Sangh Parivar. Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh's influence include Praful Goradia's Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh^[30] and Uma Bharti's Bharatiya Janshakti Party.^[31] The influence of these groups is relatively limited.

The controversial Maharashtrian political party, the Shiv Sena, converted its ideology to the Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of Maharashtra. The party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Similar is the Shiromani Akali Dal, which is a Sikh religious party but maintains ties with Hindutva organizations, as they also represent Sikhism.^[32]

Criticism and support

The opponents of Hindutva philosophy consider Hindutva ideology as a euphemistic effort to conceal communal beliefs and practices.^{[citation needed]}

Many Indian Marxist sociologues have described the Hindutva movement as fascist in classical sense, in its ideology and class support specially targeting the concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony.^[33] The Hindutva movement on the other hand terms such description as coming from the far left.^[34]^[35] More moderate critics of Hindutva do not base their criticism on allegations of "fascism", but raise issues with regards to their sometimes-vacillating attitudes towards non-Hindus and secularism. The epithet of "fascism" is also used to evoke double standards against Hindus in political and academic discourse. The academia and polity have been accused of engaging in a form of anti-Hindu McCarthyism against Hindu political expression by leveling the accusation of "fascism" against anyone who expresses sympathy for Hindus.^[36]

Marxist critics,^[37] have used the political epithets of "Indian fascism" and "Hindu fascism" to describe the ideology of the Sangh Parivar. For example, Marxist social scientist Prabhat Patnaik has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is "classically fascist in class support, methods and programme"^[38]

Patniak bases this argument on the following "ingredients" of classical fascism present in Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogenous majority under the concept of 'the Hindus'; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiority; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity.^{[citation needed]}

Views on Hindutva and fascism include those of the Christian convert to the RSS viewpoint, Anthony Elenjimittan, who based his views on RSS's symbolism of the Bhagva (the banner of lord Shiva), Dharma Chakra [the Wheel of Faith] and Satyameva Jayate [Truth alone triumphs] (one must note that these symbols are normative in Hinduism and bear no relation to Hindutva and the latter is the national motto of a seculardemocratic India).^{[citation needed]}

The description of Hindutva as fascist has been condemned by pro-Hindutva authors such as Koenraad Elst who claim that the ideology of Hindutva meets none of the characteristics of fascist ideologies. Claims that Hindutva social service organisations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh are "fascist" have been disputed by academics such as Vincent Kundukulam.^[39]

Academics Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva with fascism, because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, because of its "distinctively Indian" character, and because of "the RSS's disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society". They instead describe Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "ethnic absolutism".^[40]

Nobel Laureate V.S. Naipaul also rejects these allegations and views the rise of Hindutva as a welcome, broader civilizational resurgence of India.^[41]

References

^ ^a ^b Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar: Hindutva, Bharati Sahitya Sadan, Delhi 1989 (1923)
^ Supreme Court on Hindu Hindutva and Hinduism
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d M S Golwalkar (1966), Bunch of thoughts, Publishers: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana
^ Quoting RSS General Secretary's reply to the Tribunal constituted under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 to hear the case on the RSS, Organiser, June 6, 1993
^ M. G. Chitkara 2004, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Published by APH Publishing, ISBN 81-7648-465-2, 9788176484657 (Quoting Late RSS leader Balasaheb Deoras "If untouchability is not a sin, nothing is a sin").
^ Organize under Dalit leadership: RSS
^ BJP leader, Rajnath Singh demanding Uniform Civil Code
^ [1]
^ Uniform Civil Code, Article 370 back on BJP Agendahttp://www.financialexpress.com/news/Uniform-civil-code-Article-370-back-on-BJP-agenda/317218/
^ http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=23591
^ Uniform civil code will divide the country on communal lines: Congress
^ http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=239&page=36
^ Shah Bano Case
^ See refs in Kashmiri Pandit
^ see refs in Wandhama massacre
^ Indian Summer looks set to become a long autumn by Robert Jenkins
^ Speech by RSS leader K S Sudarshan,Oct 18 2008
^ 'Save Ganga' Campaign by RSS, BJP
^ BJP Official Website See philosophy
^ Bharatiya Janata Party Official Website Hindutva: The Great Nationalistic Ideology
^ The Rediff Election Interview/Bal Thackeray,Rediff.com
^ Hindu-Zion
^ The Hindu
^ Rediff
^ Press spotlight on Sharon's India visit,BBC
^ Rabindranath Tagore, The History of Bharatavarsha, Bhadra 1309 Bengal Era (August 1903)
^ George Anderson, Manilal Bhagwandes Sudebar, The Last Days of the Company: A Source Book of Indian History, 1818-1858, Published by G. Bell, 1921
^ Benedict Richard O'Gorman Anderson, Imagined Communities:Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Edition: 2, revised Published by Verso, 1991, ISBN 0-86091-546-8, 9780860915461
^ Sheshadri H V, Tragic story of Partition, Publisher: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana
^ Jana Sangh promises to make India Hindu nation
^ Uma launches new party
^ SAD-BJP Alliance helped bridge Hindu Sikh gap Indian Express
^ Fascism of our times Prabhat Patnaik
^ eg. Partha Banergee
^ - Rajesh Tembarai Krishnamachari, South Asia Analysis Group
^ Puzzling Dimensions and Theoretical Knots in my Graduate School Research, Yvette Rosser
^ eg. Partha Banergee, Romila Thapar, Himani Bannerji,Prabhat Patnaik
^ "The Fascism of Our Times" Social Scientist VOl 21 No.3-4, 1993, p.69 [2]
^ Christian Post,archive link
^ Ethnic and Racial Studies Volume 23 Number 3 May 2000 pp. 407–441 ISSN 0141–9870 print/ISSN 1466–4356 online
^ Naipaul V.S. India, a million Mutinies now, Penguin 1992

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Bhagat Singh And The Hindu Rashtra

By Mahtab Alam

23 March, 2011
Kafila.org

"The communists' ideologues conveniently ignore the truth that the roots of Bhagat Singh's ideology lie in the very concept of Hindu Rashtra," claims an article by Dipin Damodharan, published on this day last year. Damodharan, as introduced at the end of the article, is a student pursuing Masters in Communication and Journalism (MCJ) at the Calicut University of Kerala. He argues: "To my knowledge, he sacrificed his precious life for a noble cause, for the liberation of Bharat from the invaders, for nationalism. Undoubtedly Bhagat's legacy belongs to every Bharati. But for the communists (experts in transforming sheep to dog), he died for communism and not for nationalism. They are incessantly advocating Bhagat as their poster boy, for several years they have been using Goebalsian tricks to claim Bhagat's legacy." The author further argues, "They are injecting fake stories about Bhagat into the blood of youth who are ignorant about Bharat's history. Discarding the historical facts, the communists become angry with the Sangh inspired organizations for propagating Bhagat's ideals".

To justify his claims, the author cites examples like Bhagat Singh was born in a family who were staunch followers of the Arya Samaj, was educated at Dayanad Anglo Vedic (DAV) School and National College of Lahore, was inspired by the sagas of two great patriots Chatrapati Shivaji and Maharana Pratap and finally, they link at his association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Of course, without any reference! To any of us who has read Bhagat's writings, it is nothing but absurd or, if we go by Damodharan's own definition — it is an attempt to transform sheep in to a dog.

Baghat Singh himself, in his most famous writing, 'Why I Am An Atheist' clarifies the above absurdities. He wrote, "I deny the very existence of that Almighty Supreme being… My grandfather under whose influence I was brought up is an orthodox Arya Samajist. An Arya Samajist is anything but an atheist. After finishing my primary education I joined the DAV. School of Lahore and stayed in its Boarding House for one full year… Later on, I joined the revolutionary party… My previous faith and convictions underwent a remarkable modification… I had become a pronounced atheist."

Dismissing Dipin Damodharan's remarks as absurd and ignoring them is not what we should do, as these attempts are not abrupt. They are pre-planned and occupy various forms of mass communication. Communal forces are not letting go of any chance to misuse these heros for furthering their communal agendas. Last year, a month before the Ayodhya verdict, the 'Bhagwa Brigade' (saffron brigade) gave a public call to recruit 10,000 Hindu youth from Madhya Pradesh (MP) for the mission to establish a Hindu Rasthra. To do so, they issued a poster and pasted copies of it all over the state of Madhya Pradesh. Notably in the poster, with Sawarkar, Shivaji and others, one finds pictures of Bhagat Singh, Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Subhas Chandra Bose, being portrayed as Hindu revolutionaries! One might not have any objection in portraying Shivaji, Maharana Pratap, Jhansi ki Rani and Chandra Sekhar Azad as Hindu icons, but portrayal of Bhagat Singh, Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Subhas Chandra Bose in the same vein is really objectionable and very disturbing, because of their known commitment to secularism and for being non communal.

Like Bhagat Singh, it was very clear to Subhas Chandra Bose of who he was and what he wanted. In 1929, while delivering a speech at Lahore Students' Conference, Lahore, he famously said, If we are to bring about a revolution of ideas, we have first to hold up before us, an ideal which will galvanise our whole life. That ideal is Freedom. But freedom is a word which has a varied connotation and even in our country, the conception of freedom has undergone a process of evolution. By freedom I mean all-round freedom i.e., freedom for the individual as well as for society, freedom for man as well as for woman, freedom for the rich as well as for the poor, freedom for all individuals and for all classes. This freedom implies not only emancipation from political bondage but also equal distribution of wealth, abolition of caste barriers and social iniquities and destruction of communalism and religious intolerance. This is an ideal which may appear Utopian to hard-headed men and women — but this ideal alone can appease the hunger of the soul."

Ambedkar converted to Buddhism in protest of the jati-varna system of Hinduism, and was very clear about what he stood for. He repeatedly opposed the system of Hinduism let alone the ideology of Hindutva. He had asked his followers to stop the Hindu Rashtra from becoming a reality at all costs. But again, Hindu communal political parties like the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP), spread deliberate confusion about him by misquoting him and depicting him as 'their' leader. Last year, on the eve of 6th December (anniversary of Babari Masjid demolition), on the walls on Jamia Nagar, a new kind of poster was seen. The poster was put up by Bhartiya Janta Yuva Morcha (BJYM), the youth wing of BJP, and read thus, 'Yugh Purush Baba Saheb Ambedker ke nirvana divas par Dr. Bheem Rao Ambeker Cricket Tournament-10', with a relatively larger picture of Baba Saheb (as compared to) other leaders of BJYM, who were shown promoting the event. The event which was scheduled to take place in Malviya Nagar had absolutely no connection with Jamia Nagar, except that both finish on the same last name! While seeing the poster, one wonders what it has to do with Jamia Nagar. At the same time, the same or any other poster about the event was not seen in neighbouring Jullena or Sukhdev Vihar, which have a dominant non-Muslim population, let alone other areas of Delhi. But of course, it was put up for diverting the attention of the Muslims from the anniversary of demolition of Babari Masjid. Moreover, to my understanding, it was meant to convey a message to the ordinary resident of Jamia nagar (read Muslim) that either, Ambedker was a leader of the BJP, or at least somebody who sympathised with its ideology and those of its allies, which is absolutely wrong and ridiculous, to say the least.

Hindutva-waadis are hell bent on distorting facts and influencing the common sense through the medium of mass communication. On the eve of Valentine's Day, these forces spread a rumor that on 14th February 1931, Bhagat Singh, Rajguru & Sukhdev were hanged till death by British government and we celebrate this day as Valentine day! Isn't it surprising & painful? I am told by a journalist friend of mine from south India that, this is the standard question you have to counter if you say what is wrong with celebrating Valentine's Day! This, when it is a well-established historical fact that Bhagat Singh, along with Sukhdev and Rajguru were martyred on 23rd March 1931 and not on 14th February.

The zealots don't stop there. They have even tried spreading misinformation through Wikipedia, the preferable web dictionary for the net savvy, to know who is who and what is what. According to a news report that had appeared in The Hindu, 'the Wikipedia page on Bhagat Singh underwent many editing changes on February 13 and 14, Valentine's day '. The date of Bhagat Singh's hanging had been changed from 23rd March to 14th February 1931. And it was due to such propaganda that an international news website,reported, "While the whole world observes 14th February as Valentine's Day, not many Indians remember that the day was also when the Indian freedom fighters Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were hanged to death by the Britishers in Lahore, Pakistan". Similarly, this 13th February Twitter was on fire with talk of the 14th as Bhagat Singh's martyrdom day next day, and even the editor of a Hindi news channel mourned that everyone was looking forward only to Valentine's Day. He was shamed into apologising the next day.

We will have many days every year to remember Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Rajguru, Ashfaqullah Khan, Baba Saheb Ambedker, Subhas Chandra Bose and others, on their martyrdom, death, and birth anniversaries. This puts greater responsibility on us—the responsibility of not believing in distorted facts, but to keep alive the belief of what these revolutionaries had lived and died for. In order to pay our real tribute to the makers of modern India, we should counter the propaganda of communal forces at various levels. The choice is ours, whether we want to contest such vandalism or let it go uncontested until such time as the common masses have no option but to believe, A for Ambedkar – A for Advani, B for Bhagat Singh, B for Bhagwa, S for Subhas Chandra Bose, S for Sawarkar…

Are we ready for that?

(Mahtab Alam is a civil rights activist and independent journalist. He can be reached at activist dot journalist at gmail dot com.)

uslim and Christian Dalits victims of religious apartheid ...

‎
Daily Times - Yoginder Sikand - 2 days ago

Although the Brahminical texts, the basis of what is called 'Hinduism' clearly do ... the shackles of 'Hinduism', which, as Dr Ambedkar rightly considered, ...

Muslim And Christian Dalits Victims Of Religious Apartheid ...

‎
CounterCurrents.org - Yoginder Sikand - 3 days ago

This is another way in which the Indian state acts as a Hindu missionary agent, ... the shackles of 'Hinduism', which, as Dr. Ambedkar rightly considered, ...

Sangh Parivar and new contradictions

‎
Frontline - Vikhar Ahmed Sayeed - 8 Mar 2011

Since most Indian Muslims have converted from Hinduism, they often retained.... emancipate themselves the way Ambedkar wanted to emancipate them because he ...

Frontline

Book Review: Marching towards Islam

‎
TwoCircles.net - Naushad Ansari - 10 Mar 2011

Many viewed that if such a policy were implemented then the Hinduism will be destroyed and they may become minority. Later, Dr. Ambedkar tried to search for ...

Indian Diaspora Divided By Gandhi-Inspired Dandi March Against...

‎
South Asian Link - 6 days ago

... said Dalit icon Dr. BR Ambedkar was a true champion of the downtrodden.... "Look at how his Hindu supremacism was woven into India's constitution, ...

South Asian Link

Dalit Socialists Via Dalit Capitalists: A Response To Anand Teltumbde

‎
CounterCurrents.org - 8 Mar 2011

In Philosophy of Hinduism, Ambedkar writes that genuine liberty must be accompanied by three factors (I) Social equality (II) Economic security (III) ...

Details and brushwork

‎
Sify - 4 Mar 2011

... when downplaying the role of religion, especially Hinduism, in Indian life. .... Apart from frequent references to Dr Ambedkar, his social conscience ...

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22 March, 2011

Muslim And Christian Dalits Victims Of
Religious Apartheid Sanctioned By The State
By Yoginder Sikand

In 1950 a Presidential order specified that no person professing any religion other than Hinduism would be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste. This patently anti-secular and grossly anti-democratic order was stiffly resisted by non-Hindu Dalits. In the face of strong protests, over the years the Indian state was compelled to extend Scheduled Caste status to Sikh and Buddhist Dalits. Yet, it continues to deny the same to Christian and Muslim and Dalits

21 March, 2011

Fatehpur's Balmikis Fight For Life
With Dignity And Honor
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Today nearly 6 villages voluntarily left the work of manual scavenging in Fatehpur and the campaign is growing

07 March, 2011

Dalit Capitalism And Pseudo Dalitism
By Anand Teltumbde

Let Dalit individuals become big bureaucrats, big bourgeoisie or any big gun, he or she cannot count much in the emancipation project of Dalit community, which lies only in thoroughgoing social transformation

10 February , 2011

U.P. Tops In Atrocities Against Dalits
By S.R.Darapuri

Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) has earned the dubious distinction of being a state where the highest numbers of atrocities have been committed against the Dalits (Scheduled Castes) for the last many years. It is in spite of the fact that this state is being ruled by a Dalit Chief Minister for the fourth time who is going to complete her fourth year in office. U.P. has the largest Dalit population in India numbering about 35.1 million and nearly 21.5% of total state population

Judiciary And Its Brahmanical Prejudices In India
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Two Judges of Supreme court recently, for the first time in our judicial history, had the courage to challenge the religious text of the Brahmanical order. In an order favoring tribal women's land right violating which the powerful in the village termed her as witch and paraded her in the village

02 February , 2011

The Comet Of Social Revolution:
Bihar Lenin - Martyr Jagdeo Prasad
By Ashok Yadav

With every passing year the martyrdom of Jagdeo Prasad is becoming more and more solidified on the stone of time. His legacy of blending culture with politics and of uncompromising struggle against caste-based exploitation and oppression will continue to shine like lode star for the millions and millions of marginalized people of this country

25 December, 2010

Burning Of Two Dalit Girls Is The Lingering
Funeral Pyre Of The Rule Of Law
By Avinash Pandey Samar

The ghoulish killings of two Dalit girls in Moradabad, an industrial town not far away from the national capital Delhi, is yet another reminder of almost everyday recurrence of attacks on Dalit communities in India. They encompass, also the grim truth of the complete failure of the Indian state in containing, leave aside eradicating, violence committed against the Dalit communities

11November, 2010

Caste'ing Live Chitradurga's Madigas And Nayakas
By Anand Teltumbde

Caste in India is a terrible thing. It can surface anywhere in a weirdest manner and forms. In the Chitradurga district of Karnataka, famed for the rule of Nayakas, the chieftain whose descendents have strangely found a place in the schedule for Tribes, prepared by the independent India to do them social justice, it still survives in its pristine glory

05 November, 2010

CasteAnd Caste-Based Discrimination Among
Indian Muslims - Part 4 -
Early Anti-Aryan Movements in India
By Masood Alam Falahi

Part 4 of Masood Alam Falahi's Urdu book Hindustan Mai Zat-Pat Aur Musalman ('Casteism Among Muslims in India')

04November, 2010

Caste and Caste-Based Discrimination
Among Indian Muslims - Part 3
The Impact of the Aryan Invasion of India
By Masood Alam Falahi

Part 3 of Masood Alam Falahi's Urdu book Hindustan Mai Zat-Pat Aur Musalman ('Casteism Among Muslims in India')

03 November, 2010

Caste And Caste-Based Discrimination
Among Indian Muslims - Part 2
Translated from Urdu by Yoginder Sikand

This is a translation of Dr. Fazlur Rahman Faridi's Introduction to Masood Alam Falahi's Urdu book Hindustan Mai Zat-Pat Aur Musalman -'Casteism Among Muslims in India'

02 November, 2010

Caste And Caste-Based Discrimination
Among Indian Muslims - Part 1
By Masood Alam Falahi

A translation of the first part of Masood Alam Falahi's pioneering Urdu book titled Hindustan Mai Zat-Pat Aur Musalman ('Casteism Among Muslims in India')

27 October, 2010

An Open Letter To President Obama
By Ravikiran Shinde

Your mentor Martin Luther King Jr. visited India when Dr. Ambedkar was alive but met only the then prime minister Nehru and seems to have been kept in the dark about his civil rights counterpart in India and perhaps never came to know about him. Please do what MLK couldn't. Get introduced to Dr. Ambedkar and his thoughts and contribution to India's democratic system. This will definitely make your trip a worthwhile in the long run

28 September, 2010

The Stink Of Savanur
By Anand Teltumbde

On 20 July 2010, some manual scavengers of Savanur, a small town in Haveri district of north Karnataka performed a novel act in protest against their helplessness. They smeared themselves with human excreta in public before the municipal council office. The stink of it strangely attracted many, including Pramod Muthalik of the notorious Sriram Sene, the militant Hindutva outfit to the Bhangi Colony and thrown up numerous issues of consequence

10 September, 2010

Casteism Is Racism And India Should
Stop Interfering In 'Internal Affairs' Of Britain!
By Avinash Pandey Samar

Britain, in a major victory for the movement against caste based discrimination and atrocities, can soon declare caste prejudice unlawful under laws against racial discrimination becoming the first country of the world to do so

Nagpur Declaration On Untouchability
And Manual Scavenging
By People's Alliance Against Untouchability

" People's Alliance Against Untouchability " plea for and work towards "National alliance" of all civil societies organisations, academicians, institutes, unions, professionals, students and activists to end all forms of discrimination based on caste and dissent such as untouchability particularly with reference to manual scavenging and other unclean (allied) occupation

Reservations For Indian Muslims:
Conflicting Claims About Caste
By Yoginder Sikand

One of the reasons for the overall 'backwardness' of the Indian Muslims is undoubtedly the fact that the vast majority of the community are of 'low' caste origin. Further, in contrast to 'Hindu' Dalits, who have won crucial gains by mobilizing on the basis of caste, the Muslim 'low' castes have witnessed no such substantial caste-based mobilization for their rights

03 September, 2010

'We Merely Want To Raise The Curtain'
By Mohd. Noor Hasan Azad & Khalid Anis Ansari

Mohammad Noor Hasan Azad , one of the founding members of the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, discusses the contemporary lower caste movement among Indian Muslims

02 September, 2010

Caste, Untouchability And Discrimination
Led To The Balaudi incident
Report of the fact finding team

A joint fact finding report by Dalit Mukti Morcha and PUCL Chhattisgarh

28 August, 2010

Caste Census And Indian Muslims
By Khalid Anis Ansar

A rejoinder to Abusaleh Shariff

14 August, 2010

Bhagwan Das As I Know Him
By S.R.Darapuri

An article on Bhagwan Das, an outstanding Ambedkarite, human rights activist, writer and a living legend

09 August, 2010

HC Verdict On Khairlanji:
Diluting The Design Justice
By Anand Teltumbde

While commuting the death sentence of the six convicts in the Khairlanji dalit killings case to imprisonment for 25 years, the high court did not think there was a caste angle or any planning or outraging modesty of women was involved in the crime. The whole episode reveals, in a microcosm, the character of the state vis-à-vis dalits

06 August, 2010

60 Years Of Constitutional Rights Denied To
20 Millions Indian Dalit Christians
By Madhu Chandra

A million dollar worth question in the minds of Indian Dalit Christians is "Will the Government of India take up Dalit Christian issue this time?" The Supreme Court of India has informed on February 16, 2010 in hearing of Dalit Christian reservation case that Government of India is considering implementing the recommendation of Misra Commission. The commission report has suggested to De-link Religion from Scheduled Caste and Dalits who, irrespective of their religion, suffer caste stigma and Scheduled Caste status to should be given all Dalits irrespective of their religions

29 July, 2010

Because Khairlanji Is Not
Just Another Murder Story!
By Avinash Pandey Samar

Khairlanji is a negation of the very idea of India and its democracy. It is an assault on the basic principles the country is based upon. It shows what kind of a decayed and deficient democracy we have evolved into

27 July, 2010

Elimination Of Manual Scavenging Should Be Made
The National Priority
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

India has failed to protect its own people. It has failed to implement the rule of law as far as manual scavenging is concerned. It is a national shame that the country is unable to eliminate it and that its children are still into this shameful practice. It is time it become our national priority and political parties and social movement takes the issue more seriously and not in symbolic way

24 July, 2010

Empowerment Strategies:
Private Reservations For Dalits
By Dr. K. Vidyasagar Reddy

The Dalits have been discriminated by those upper castes who were at the helm of affairs. It is only after a couple of decades of independence, that they were encouraged to use their constitutional rights. But then, they were denied any job opportunities in the private sector that was gaining strength over a period of time. Meanwhile, the demand for private reservation attracted the attention of policymakers in several states and the Central government

21 July, 2010

Khairlanji Verdict Expose Our National Concern
On Violence Against Dalits
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Khairlanji's incident has proved that our courts have not yet sensitized to the Dalit cause

16 July, 2010

Kherlanji Verdict –What Next?
By Ravikiran Shinde

The Nagpur High Court bench's verdict on Kherlanji of diluting the 6 culprits' of death sentences given by Bhandara session court and refusal to accept it as caste based killings by removing the SC/ST Atrocity (PoA) act provisions proves one thing - There is no support for Dalits in any form. They incur Social Apathy, Police Apathy, Government Apathy, Media Apathy and now the Judicial Apathy

14 July, 2010

Counting Castes: Advantage Ruling Class
By Anand Teltumbde

Anand Teltumbde argues that counting caste can never benefit people; it benefits only the ruling classes

09 July, 2010

Dalit Woman Humiliated And Victimized
In Allahabad
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Her one eye is completely turned red at the moment as the upper caste goons threw slippers at her. The entire body bears the brunt of the brahmanical violence on July 3rd, 2010 at the Sheetalpur Tikari village under Tharwai police station in Allahabad. Her cloths were torn and the goons tried to pee on her mouth but the police kept her in the police station for 24 hours and try to deny anything like that happened

13 June, 2010

Who's Afraid Of Caste Census?
By Kancha Ilaiah

Let all castes — not just OBCs — be counted for strengthening our democratic system. I know that even mine is a blind-spot theory but it may have the effect of an antidote

11 June, 2010

Whither Dalit Politics?
By Neerja Dasani

Reflections on Dalit identity and politics in the context of a documentary film festival held in Chennai called 'Imaging Dalit Reality: Politics of Visual Representation'

24 May, 2010

Mr. Bachchan, Caste And Being An Indian First
By Joseph D'souza

According to Bollywood star Mr. Amitabh Bachchan being an Indian first means not to believe in caste. That could be one great definition of being an Indian first and putting India first. Yet when Mr. Bachchan told the census enumerators that he does not believe in caste and is an Indian first, did he unwittingly reveal the discomfiture the privileged castes feel in coming to terms with the caste issue in modern India?

10 May, 2010

Who Is Afraid Of Caste Census And Why?
By S.R.Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd)

Actually higher Castes are allergic to the Caste Census because it will expose their low numbers and the share of development and national wealth they have usurped at the cost of lower Castes. Their fear is further accentuated by the probable high number of OBCs who are bound to demand a greater share in services and benefits of development and national wealth. That is why higher Castes are afraid of Caste Census

10 May, 2010

Modi Vomits Caste Venom
By Dr. Anand Teltumbde

On 25 April 2010 Narendra Modi is reported to have observed while releasing his book Samajik Samrasata that Dalits were like mentally retarded children. Earlier, Modi had said that Valmiki community was involved in manual scavenging for a "spiritual experience"

07 May, 2010

Where Is Brahmeshwar Singh 'The Great'?
By Subhash Gatade

Myth of the Misuse of Laws meant for the protection of dalits and tribals

03 May, 2010

Manual Scavenging: Must Be Eradicated
Right Away
By Ram Puniyani

Manual Scavenging was officially supposed to have been banned in 1993 by the Government of India. Official lapses and apathy apart, the surveys by the activists working against this practice show that even now over 14 lakhs of scavengers are still suffering ignominy and nearly 95% of these workers are women

29 April, 2010

Interview: Iqbal Ahmad On Dalit-Muslim Unity
By Yoginder Sikand

Bangalore-based advocate Iqbal Ahmed Shariff is an activist associated with the Bahujan and Dalit-Muslim unity movements. Author of numerous books in Urdu, he was also the editor of the Urdu and Hindi Dalit Voice. In this interview he talks with Yoginder Sikand on a wide range of issues, including Dalit-Muslim unity and the problems of the Muslim leadership in India

25 April, 2010

Why No Dalit Personal Law?
By Prabhat Sharan

Recently in a seminar "Modernity, Tradition and Resistance in South Asia," organized by Mumbai University, during an informal talk, a radical sociologist, Dr. Neshat Quaiser from Jamia Millia Islamia Central University, raised a startling proposition and a query. Dr. Quaiser's proposition was that since Dalit community has always been outside the realm of Hindu fold and the Brahmanical structure, Dalits should have their own Personal Law since they have an independent identity

20 April, 2010

Pakistan's Dalits Demand Their Rights
By Zia Ur Rehman

Long accustomed to discrimination, Pakistan's Hindu Dalits are fighting a new form of harassment that is driving them from their ancestral villages in the Tharparkar District of Sindh. About 70 Dalit families have left to protest the growing incidence of kidnapping of their young women. The kidnapping typically leads to rape or forced conversion to Islam and marriage

15 April, 2010

Ambedkar's Idea Of A Humanist India
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Ambedkarism is an idea for all democratic struggle who are fighting for social justice and support equality, liberty and fraternity. Let the tribes of Ambedkarites grow and work for social change and human rights. Let it reach on every nook and corner of the country to develop it as 'Prabuddha Bharat', as Baba Saheb had visualized so that people do not pick up guns to counter any hegemony but arguments to demolish historical myths of the ruling elite. It is the right moment in our history and we have to accept the challenge and use Ambedkar's thought to develop counter culture of democracy, freedom and humanism

13 April, 2010

Mayawati's Mega Service To The Nation
By Anand Teltumbde

Every other move of Mayawati has shattered the sanitized sensibility of middle India and left it gasping for the expression. It invariably ended, "Oh, it is too much!" Whether it is her mega memorials or her rallies, her style evokes stunning responses of this kind. The point to ponder is whether, beyond her deliberately designed-for-Dalit demeanour, there is anything essentially novel or unique. The answer would be in definite negative. Mayawati is essentially the product of the system and she represents it in full measure albeit in her inimitable way. Insofar as it appears excessive, it only helps us to see the system in its naked form

11 April, 2010

Dimensions Of The Revolution Against Casteism
A Preliminary PROUT Synthesis

The UN Human Rights Commission in October 2009 declared casteism as a form of human rights abuse and has begun the process of criminalizing casteism. However, this will not end casteism in South Asia. The UN can only create a little pressure internationally. To annihilate casteism (jati pranasha), an internal revolution is required

18 March, 2010

Sree Narayana Guru, The Left, And Chitralekha
By Joe.M.S.

In spite of the cultural specificities of northern Kerala where these atrocities were perpetrated on Chitralekha, I think a general study of the impact of Srinaraynism on the whole of Kerala may be of some help to analyse the increasing backward caste arrogance on Dalits. This is particularly so as the discourse on the assumed efficacy of SriNarayana Guru's metier is invoked constantly by the civil society of Kerala, eternalising his importance in all spheres. So I think, a glance at the impact of his life and efforts can shed light on the of the constitution/ construction of modern Ezhava identity and the problems associated with it

17 February, 2010

Jayaram And Tamil: Some Scattered Thoughts
On The Anti-Black Mass Culture In Kerala
By Joe MS

The recent 'jest 'of film star Jayaram against the Tamil as black skinned , buffalo like and therefore less human has been taken as just a joke by the cultural scene of Kerala. Not only that sympathy was expressed for the poor victim that he is, inadvertently cracking an innocent joke and thereby exposing himself to the ire of 'violent' Tamil,even solidarity was expressed with the right to crack such jokes by the 'ordinary folks'. The latent ideological and cultural premises hidden behind this whole controversy needs to be enquired into to understand the reality

07 February, 2010

Three Idiots: A Film With A Message
By Dr. Shura Darapuri

The film "Three Idiots" is a great satire on the education system and the attitude of society. It tells us rote learning can be very harmful and why and how a casteistic eduactional system promotes it

19 January, 2010

Trade, Corporate Market And Indigenous People
By Goldy M. George

The Copenhagen drama is over. Nothing came out of it. It was predicted the same by many expert and many intellectuals, activists, professional experts kept a distance from this proscenium. But what is that concerns the ordinary people of this nation? How does market and market values related with people at large and particularly the Dalits, Adivasis and the exploited sections of Indian society? What is the correlation between trade, corporates, market and indigenous communities of this land who still have the noble quality of surviving on a minimum basis?

Dalit: Towards The Search For
Alternative Strategies
By Rajkumar

This paper argues for the need for some strategies that suits the emerging scenario in the given context of democratic space available in the Indian and the mass psychology. I try to portrait a frame of analysis for this argument which needs further debate and refinement at various circles and level

11 January, 2010

"Honouring Dalits With Blood"
By Pardeep Singh Attri

A look into the increase in the number of Khap Panchayat's illegal decrees, 'fatwas' against Dalits

04 January, 2010

Salute To Women Liberator - Savitribai Phule-
On Birthday, 3rd January
By Pardeep Singh Attri

It is indeed a measure of the ruthlessness of elite-controlled knowledge-production that a figure as important as Savitribai Phule fails to find any mention in the history of modernIndia. Her life and struggle deserves to be appreciated by a wider spectrum, and made known to non-Marathi people as well

01 January, 2010

1st January, 1818: 'The Battle Of Bhima Koregaon'
By Pardeep Singh Attri

January 1st 1818, when everyone around the world was busy in celebrating the 'new year', when everyone was in cheerful mood, but not for a small force of 500 untouchable soldiers were preparing them to for battleground. Who knows this battle is going to write future of 'Brahmin Peshwa Baji Rao-II'? It wasn't just another battle; it was a battle for self respect, esteem and against the supremacy of Manusmriti. This battle is important in history, as everyone know that after this battle rule of 'Peshwa Rao' ended

Tribal Rights
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

I can only wish if the tribal had their own Kanshi Ram who could have made them emerge as an independent entity and not look for messiahs. Dalits in India salute Kanshiram for this political contribution that he has made them an entity where they can stand at their own in this democratic polity. Tribal need political leaders who can stand at their own and fight their battle at their own and not look for imported messiahs. Once they have this, they will win the democratic battle and their own survival as their political class will not remain unaccountable as it seems today

28 December, 2009

Salute To The Indefatigable Spirit Of Struggle Of
Subedar Jasram
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Struggle of Subedar Jasram to get justice for over 150 landless Dalit families in Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar

22 December, 2009

Bhagat Singh On Dalit Question
By Ashok Yadav

Bhagat Singh's article 'Achoot Samasya' (The Untouchability Problem) is very important because we get glimpses of his revolutionary thoughts on this basic problem of Indian society. Now when in the post-mandal phase caste and dalit questions have acquired paramount importance in socio-political discourse it has become relevant to understand his thoughts on this question

17 December, 2009

Kerala's So Called Dalit Terror: How A Dalit Minister
Turns Against His Own Community
By B.R.P Bhaskar

Inquiries have revealed that Balan, who is himself a Dalit, turned down the proposal for a visit to Thoduve by a team headed by the chief minister, saying it was impractical. He termed the proposal for rehabilitation of the colony residents also as impractical. He effectively killed the proposal for an impartial inquiry into the police conduct by referred it to the DGP

16 December, 2009

Udit Raj's Fast For Reservation In Private Sector
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Udit Raj on fast unto death against non implementation of reservation in private sector

14 December, 2009

Savarna Terror Erupts In Kerala
By J Devika

Dalits are on the receiving end in Kerala, be it from the police, sangh parivar or the so called saviours of the downtrodden, Communist Party of India (Marxists)

10 December, 2009

How Long Casteism?
By Garda Ghista

The Times of India on December 7 reported that Dalits in Gujarat are banned from Hindu temples. Yet, they are Hindu, isn't it? If they are banned from their own Hindu temples, then why on earth should they remain Hindus? Better they become Buddhist, Christian or Muslim. Tragically, even by converting to one of these other religions, they remain Dalits. We have here in India such a thing as Dalit Christians and upper caste Christians. Is it not mad? If I tell this to friends back in America, their jaws will drop in disbelief

08 December, 2009

The Legacy Of Criminal Tribes Act
In The Present Context
By Goldy M. George

How long the criminal tribes or denotified tribes are supposed to face the brute inhuman demeanour of the state and society? Do they have any rights of claiming to be citizens of this free nation? It is time to find answers to these persisting questions; or one has to turn to be a fatalist and keep dreaming of the day when everything would be fine automatically

05 December, 2009

Concepts Of Reservation
By Ashok Yadav

The creamy layer concept is nothing but a ploy to protect upper caste hegemony in job and education. It is not without reason that the BJP and the Congress like forces support the creamy layer concept. The democratic forces of India have yet to realise the importance of reservation in job and education to the SC/ST/OBC in their struggle for democratising the Indian polity

29 November, 2009

The Hindu: The Insensitivity Of A Sensitive Paper
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

In a November 27th write up by Praveen Swamy on Mumbai's horrific incidents under headline ' where style has trumped substance' has unnecessarily compared the issue of scavengers with police men

28 November, 2009

Uncivil Society, Apathetic Administration
Fact Finding Report issued by Nagrik Adhikar Manch and Yuva Samvad

The situation in the Gadarwara Sub Division of District.Narsinghpur (Madhya Pradesh) has been in a state of constant flux for the last 3-4 months. The Dalits living in the villages adjoining Gadarwara have been condemned to a life of fear and intimidation.Their human rights and dignity are being at stake

22 November, 2009

Encountering Ambedkar In Hungary
By Pardeep Attri

The Romas, a discriminated minority in Hungary, turn to Ambedkar and Buddhism in their quest for dignity and equality. Pardeep Attri journeys to Sajókaza and Budapest to find out how the Dalits and Romas connect

20 November, 2009

Ambedkar's Lost Boys?
By Ajit Sahi

A dalit organisation in Kerala is accused of terrorist links

16 November, 2009

Feminism And Dalit Women In India
By Cynthia Stephen

Thus, Dalit women are slowly attempting to come to grips with their invisibility in the discourse, and are beginning not just to speak out, but also to theorise and build wider solidarities so as to earn the place, hitherto denied, under the sun

14 November, 2009

Understanding Existential Castes
Through Atrocity Metrics
By Anand Teltumbde

Brief of the paper "Understanding Existential Castes through Atrocity Metrics" presented at the seminar Caste in Contemporary India, Columbia University on 16 October 2009

19 October, 2009

UN Anti-Caste Charter: Annihilation Of Caste
By Ram Puniyani

Today sixty years after Independence and coming into being of Indian Constitution, the prevalence of untouchability and caste practices are a matter of shame for us. It is time we intensify our own efforts to eradicate it and join the global efforts to end this carry over from our past

14 October, 2009

Is It Not Time For The Minorities
To Become The Majority?
By Dr.K.Vidyasagar Reddy

Since the majority-Lower castes are found oppressed socially and otherwise at the hands of Upper castes, they wish to break the chains of Hinduism only to join the religious minorities of Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism and Jainism as a larger entity. Since the idea is based on apprehensions of the marginalised communities, its implementation would certainly alter the social composition of the majority and minority notions. Ultimately, this larger entity would make them majority for political purpose that would ensure political power over a period of time

12 October, 2009

The Pointing Finger Of Babasaheb Ambedkar
By Dr. Shah Alam Khan

I am sure if he was alive today Ambedkar would have been pained to see the contemptible misuse of money in building parks and statues. Mayawati too needs to learn from this message of salvation and social elevation. Political power is temporary, social elevation permanent. Statues can be a way to display social arrival and arrogance but surely it would be better if the same money is used for genuine emancipation of the most depressed sections of the Indian society

08 October, 2009

Caste And Land : Message From
Chengara And Khagaria
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Both the Bihar and Kerala experience shows how the governments which are in power have used particular ideological formulations to build their own political empire and how they manipulate people's sentiments. Such stories are emerging from everywhere and they will always happen as long as the movements are not democratic and their leaders embedded with a particular formulation dictate their fancies to the people. The condition of both the Dalits and Adivasis remain a matter of concern in all these states whether they come to power in the name of social justice or Marxism

19 August, 2009

Dalits And The Arts As An Intrument Of Repression
By Gauthama Siddharthan

If only we become aware of these evil designs in Art and Literary forms, identify them and understand their layers of covert interpretations and connotations and raise against these, taking all necessary initiatives to expose and destroy them we would be able to save ourselves and our suffering brethren from the cruel and bitter cultural onslaught that has been going on from time immemorial. Only then we can emerge as an emancipated and liberated wholesome human race

18 August, 2009

(De)Meritized Reservation
By Goldy M. George

Howsoever, unsatisfactory the results of the implementation may be, the importance of reservations from the Dalit viewpoint cannot be overemphasized. As could be evidenced by the organized private sector, where it would be difficult to find a Dalit employee

17 August, 2009

Rethinking The Dalit Muslim Movement
By Khalid Anis Ansari

All in all, the crux of the argument submitted here is that Pasmanda Movement (PM) needs to grow beyond quota politics and rethink its abnegation of the social/cultural/economic aspects of the movement. Along with its present accent on democratisation of the state it would do well to also consider the more far-reaching issue of the democratisation of society at large. PM needs to engage in a balancing act between the political and social. This will create the much desired synergy necessary for launching the libratory promise of PM on track

22 July, 2009

Rape As An Instrument Of Politics
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

What Rita Bahuguna said was not an outburst but a continuous assumption of our patriarchical political thought that does not want to address the root cause but use the incident for political purposes

17 July, 2009

Mayawati's Idolization And The Questing Of
Dalit Emancipation
By S.R.Darapuri

The emancipation of dalits can be achieved not by installation of statues but by working out a Dalit development agenda and implementing it honestly. Instead of spending crores on the statues, establishing educational institutions, hospital, libraries and useful institutions in the name of Dalit icons will be a true honour and memorial to them

13 June, 2009

Caste And Democracy In India
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Only a modern democratic theory with republican ideas as envisioned by Dr Ambedkar can be their true emancipator otherwise, caste based identities are threatening basic Dalit unity in the country and it is fast becoming a self defeating exercise

28 May, 2009

Fire At Vienna Exposes Ugly Realities Of
Caste Discrimination In Punjab
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Punjab is burning. The Dalits are at the street. The government is seeking peace and every one is amused why the Dalits have taken to the street. Some are amused as why attack on Sant Niranjan Dass, head of Dera Guru Ravidas Sachkhand Balan and death of Sant Ramanand could spark such violent protest in Punjab. Unfortunately, they forget to understand the first question itself as why such Deras face attack by the fundamentalist Sikh groups. Is it because these Deras have provided a glimpse of hope and identity to a massive Dalit population in Punjab? Is it also not true that these Deras are also giving the upper caste Sikhs a run for their money and power?

Identity And Religious Conversion
By Tomichan Matheikal

Put an end to the discriminatory caste system. This would engender a sense of respectability among the adivasis and the lower castes. Then there would be no need for religious conversion as a means of attaining respectability. Give economic independence to the adivasis and the lower castes. This would put an end to the Maoist violence as well as the charm held out by poverty to Christian missionaries

02 April, 2009

Hypocrisy Of Brahminical And Mainstream
Feminist Movements
By Surendra Gopinath Rote

Mainstream feminist movement could focus on the livelihood issues of women. However, the point is not to feed the stomach only but it is question of self respect, dignity and of equal status which all denied by caste system. My question still stands there those feminist who worships Rama, Krishna, Shiva and Ganesh how could they become the emancipatory force for Dalit women or even for mainstream women?

04 March, 2009

Dalits In 'Hindu Rashtra'
By Subhash Gatade

All over Gujarat one finds thousands and thousands of boards put at prominent places by one of the affiliates of the Sangh Parivar that 'you are entering this or that locality of Hindu Rashtra' which is completely illegal and an open proclamation of 'secession' from the rest of the society

18 February, 2009

Rethinking Pasmanda Movement
By Khalid Anis Ansari

Pasmanda, a word of Persian origin, literally means 'those who have fallen behind', 'broken' or 'oppressed'. For our purposes here it refers to the 'dalit' and 'backward' caste Indian Muslims which constitute, according to most estimates, 85% of Muslim population and about 10% of India's population

07 February, 2009

Reservation In Faculty Recruitment,
Viva 'Academic Untouchability'?
By Subhash Gatade

The return of 'academic untouchability' with due sanction of the parliament and the further legitimisation it would provide to the 'merit' versus 'quota' debate need to be questioned and challenged uncompromisingly

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Saturday, March 26, 2011

Is Hindu nationalism the raison d'être of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), or just another vote-catching device? In a private conversation with American diplomats in May 2005, senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley articulated the view that Hindu nationalis

Wikileaks rebounds on Arun Jaitley

Hindu nationalism is opportunistic, said Jaitley

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Is Hindu nationalism the raison d'être of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), or just another vote-catching device? In a private conversation with American diplomats in May 2005, senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley articulated the view that Hindu nationalism was an opportunistic issue for the party.

On the basis of these remarks on Hindutva made by Mr. Jaitley, the diplomat concluded that his "credentials with the Sangh Parivar are weak, and he may not have what it takes to mobilize the BJP base."

A "relaxed and self-assured" Mr. Jaitley predicted that L.K. Advani would lead the party for another two to three years, "after which one of five next generation leaders (Jaitley among them) would take the reins."

On the issue of revocation of the visa of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, Mr. Jaitley complained that he could not understand how the United States could take such an action against the party that began the transformation of U.S.-India relations.

(This article is a part of the series "The India Cables" based on the US diplomatic cables accessed by The Hindu via Wikileaks.)

Keywords: Cable32279, The India Cables, WikiLeaks, Cablegate, Hindutva, Sangh Parivar, BJP leadership

43447: Jaswant Singh believes the UPA is incapable of managing the Indo/US relationship

106645: Indian Deobandis say Pakistani JUI-F willing to broker peace talks with Taliban

151154: Indian Iran retort might lay groundwork for nuclear movement

B. R. Ambedkar

Contents

[edit]Early life and Education

[edit]Higher Education

[edit]Missions

[edit]Poona Pact

[edit]Political career

[edit]Pakistan or The Partition of India

[edit]Father of India's Constitution

[edit]Conversion to Buddhism

[edit]Death

[edit]Writings and speeches

[edit]Criticism and legacy

[edit]In popular culture

[edit]Notes and references

[edit]Further reading

[edit]External links & Writings

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SURESH NAMBATH | CHENNAI, MARCH 26, 2011

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